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hats, applied at the same workshops for of any but a permanently established govlaborers, but the men refused to quit their ernment, and are, in any view of the case, comfortable stations except at wages which direct and unauthorized usurpations. no employer could afford to pay, and the But, it will be said, it is not by the past manufacturer had to send the order to acts of the Provisional Government that England to be filled. The working classes the destinies of the Republic are to be dewho have been suffering from the aggra- cided ; the National Assembly has already vated evils, with which the laborers in met, and by its patriotism and wisdom the European manufacturing districts are af- safety of the state will be guarantied. From flicted, have been led to expect by the revo their acts with which we are at present lution a financial millennium; the “equal acquainted, we entertain for the majority ity" preached to them has been that of of that body the greatest confidence in property, in which the employer, held up both of those respects. The practical reas a merciless tyrant, and the rich man as buke administered to M. Lamartine for the the possessor of plunder, were to disgorge sympathy he showed with the views of their ill-gotten gains, and share their pos- Ledru Rollin, or the fear he evinced for sessions with their less fortunate fellow- his turbulence and influence, as well as the mortals.
wise decision not to intrust their means of We do not mean to state that all the safety to any but themselves, show their members of the Provisional Government intention to pursue an independent course entertained these views, or that they are of action. But unfortunately unanimity held by the National Assembly : but the does not prevail in France, and a French former are responsible for the effects which minority have no idea of putting up with may arise from their having placed Louis defeat. With leaders, factious and unBlanc, whose doctrines were well known principled, skilled in the practice of émeutes to them, in the important station assigned and revolutions, the ultra-democracy of to him; and they are the more worthy of France will yield to nothing but sheer blame, if they dissented from his theories. force. The late demonstration against the By their own acts, however, the inviola- National Assembly shows their
power and bility of private property has been sacri organization in Paris, and the station of ficed; the seizing funds of private individ- persons implicated in the conspiracy proves uals deposited in banks throughout France, they are not without leaders of influence and even money in private hands, and the and intelligence. Albert, one of the late govcompulsory and immediate emancipation ernment, Barbès, a member of the Assemof slaves in the French colonies, leaving to bly, and Gen. Courtais, Commander of the the owners only the chance of obtaining a National Guard, are in prison, while Louis future and uncertain remuneration, are Blanc, a member of the Provisional Governacts of direct and inexcusable spoliation. ment, and M. Causidière, Prefect of Police, They were also arranging a more extensive are more than suspected to have shared in and not less culpable act of injustice, name the plot. The extent of this party is such ly, the arbitrary seizure of all the French that it is said to have over two hundred rerailroads, giving the proprietors in ex- presentatives in the National Assembly. change for actual and valuable property, The doctrines of Communism, Fouriernational stock or bonds, at a time when ism, and Socialism, which set at nought the income of the state was so much below alike the ordinances of God and the
expeits expenses, that even payment of interest rience of mankind, received an impulse would have heen doubtful, and the princi- | from the revolution of 1830, which has pal of which would have been equally caused them to spread wide and take deep insecure, as they had neither the right root in France. With them “Religion nor the power to bind their successors in still remains to be founded.”
They pro the government. These two latter acts, claim the “necessity of a social religion,” besides a prospective alteration of duties and demand the organization of industry on salt, to take effect on the 1st of Janu- and the association of interests,” and “uniary next, and the repudiation of the trea- versal association based upon love.”ties of 1815, have the additional vice of Leaving altogether out of view the religious ! being matters entirely without the control part of the subject, there is at present a
large party in France, who are bent upon | disciplined military ; and in several of such trying the “organization” and “ associa- conflicts they have been victorious. Since tion” principles upon a grand scale. Com- the breaking out of the revolution, a vast petition is to be put down by law. The number of these men have been armed by state, according to their views, is to be the Provisional Government, and drilled in the universal owner of all property, and di- military maneuvres. Can they, in this rector-general of all industry; and these improved situation for manifesting their are to be under the control of a govern- power, be induced voluntarily to forego ment elected by universal suffrage. Now, the pleasing but delusive visions of ease a more gigantic scheme of despotism it and plenty which have been held out to never entered into the mind of man to con them as the result of the late change ? ceive. It matters not how a government We fear that is beyond belief ; and it is may be elected or appointed, on whose impossible that these visionary hopes can decision in Paris the inhabitants of the ut- | be realized. By the mode in which the most corners of France would be depend- | Provisional Government have given promient for their daily bread; notwithstanding nence to this subject, by the reiteration all the twaddle about “organization of la- that the revolution was for “the people," bor” and “
association based upon love," they have made the success of the remen, women, and children, under such a public to hinge chiefly on this question, system, would be serfs and slaves. We and hence the difficulties of the National grant this to be an extreme view of the Assembly are made infinitely greater than case, and that it is scarcely conceivable necessary. They have received a republic men could be so mad as to attempt it in a state of chaos, and clogged with a to this extent; but the principle is ca condition which appears insurmountable. pable of being carried thus far, and while To adopt the principle is to court national the principle is acted on, a relaxation of its ruin, and to attempt to evade it seems to stringency only amounts to a diminution be giving the signal for civil war. of the evil.
To the reckless politicians of the Louis This is one of the favorite doctrines of Blanc school, these difficulties would have the ultra-democracy of France, with whom been welcome. He declares war to the competition is the great social vice, organi- knife against“ bankers, shopkeepers, manuzation the “universal panacea" and "magi- facturers, stockholders, and proprietorscal pain extractor.” It is much to be re men of peace, who behold only in war an gretted that these views are also shared interruption of commercial relations, loss by many amiable and enthusiastic philan- of markets, failures, and bankruptcies ;"thropists, who, deploring existing evils for trifles to philosophers of his calibre, but which they perceive no remedy in detail, matters of life and death to millions. Behave thence drawn the conclusion that sides, should civil war be threatened, the they are easily cured en masse. Relying whole continent of Europe affords him on such teachings, the suffering popu an outlet abroad for that exuberance of lation, especially in large and manufac- life which the revolution has just created turing towns where poverty is always in French society.” To bar against so many most rife, have been led to expect from unoccupied passions, the useful and glorithe establishment of a republic an in ous career opened by destiny, would be stant cessation of all their woes, provided “to force them to expend their energies in the republic is of a socialist character, but plots and agitations. These insane views, not otherwise. These parties have long although denounced and repudiated by the been banded together under the control of French nation, are still entertained by republican leaders, and on them the suc- party sufficiently numerous, daring, and cess of that cause depended, in a great reckless, to make them dangerous. The measure, for physical support. They have remembrance of the victories of the repubbeen the nerve and sinew of the numerous lic and the empire excite a military enthuinsurrections which have taken place since siasm in the breasts of Frenchmen, which 1830, in which they have not shrunk from is easily aroused and difficult to allay; conopposing their unarmed or but badly sequently the temptation to rulers beset equipped masses against regular bodies of with domestic troubles, tengage in foreign
war, is manifestly great. Undoubtedly, of the policy of France and Europe, and whatever disasters such a course would that until it was solved, France could ultimately entail upon France, its first ef never be at peace, nor maintain friendly fect would be to consolidate the powers of relations with the Northern Powers. And
government at home; and should its the National Assembly approved of this destinies unhappily be committed to men policy by a unanimous declaration, invitwicked enough to adopt such a course ing “the committee of the Executive Power from policy, or weak and short-sighted to continue to follow, as the rule of its enough not to penetrate beyond present conduct, the unanimous wishes of the Nadifficulties, the result would be inevitable. tional Assembly, summed up in these
If we are to credit M. Lamartine as a words : 'A fraternal compact with Gertrue expositor of the foreign policy of the many; the re-constitution of an independRepublic, the dangers of foreign war are ent and free Poland ; and the emancipavery considerable. It is true that his
tion of Italy.”” breaking up the bodies of Germans who Now, from this statement, it must be gathered upon the frontier, and his cold evident to every one that the danger of reply to the Irish deputation, evidence a foreign war is imminent. Already does desire to avoid implicating France in the Republican France seem to point distinctly difficulties of those nations. But why, to that object. With a government not with an exhausted treasury, has the large yet established; with internal resources in military force of the monarchy been aug a state of the utmost exhaustion and confumented, till it reaches the enormous num sion, and a country divided by factions ; her ber of 500,000 men, when not a finger has rulers, dazzled by glory in perspective, been raised in Europe to threaten the peace are preparing for a course of aggression, of France, and the state of the entire con the limits of which no human mind can tinent renders her secure against foreign perceive. A country which has not yet aggression ? Perhaps his own declarations framed a constitution for itself, is to teach may afford some elucidation. In the de- the art of government to the world! bate of the National Assembly on the While such are the views deliberately put subject of Poland, he stated that “the forth, and with her past history before our French Republic had not to deplore a sin- eyes, we cannot help fearing for the French gle day of egotism since its commence- Republic. Much as we desire to witness ment. "No sooner had the government a Republican government established in been installed at the Hotel de Ville, than France, our wishes are confined to such a it decreed the formation of a Polish le- / system as would secure the happiness and gion. In a few days it made known its security of her own people, and by the principles towards foreign powers, and he influence of example operate upon the was certain they were conformable to the surrounding nations. The same form of real spirit of the French nation.
government is not adapted for the entire It declared the treaties of 1815 had ceased world ; it should be borne in mind that to exist.
Should Italy be too even within our own borders there are weak to assert her freedom, France had limitations on human freedom. We do not an army of 60,000 men,” ready to pass think that, at the present moment, there is the Alps. To justify the non-intervention a country in Europe, except France, in of the Provisional Government in the lat which it would be prudent to plant the ter country, he read letters from Milan, Republican standard. The principles of Venice, &c., to prove that not only had the liberty are too sacred to be lightly put in interference of France not been demanded | danger, and the experience of history has by the insurgent governments, but that it | incontestibly proved, that political regenewould have been resisted by them; and ration, to be permanent, must be gradually he declared that in no case should Italy fall adapted to the expanding sense of its inesagain under the yoke she had so glorious- timable value and dignity. We need only ly shaken off. He said he considered the look at Mexico and the South American Polish question to be the greatest difficulty Republics to be convinced of this truth.
HON. JOSEPH REED INGERSOLL.
Hon. Joseph Reed INGERSOLL is a son published. Many of the public institutions of Jared Ingersoll, who was a member of and munificent charities of his native city the convention which framed the Constitu- have gone into operation with an opening tion, and who, for many years, was a dis- address from him. Among these are the tinguished lawyer of the Philadelphia bar, Institution for the Deaf and Dumb, the District Attorney; and for a considerable House of Refuge, the Wills' Hospital, time, Attorney General of Pennsylvania. Athenian Institute, and Mercantile Library. The son graduated at Princeton, where he The degree of LL.D. has been twice took the first honors at the head of a nu conferred
upon him : by La Fayette Colmerous class, of which several of our emi- lege, Pennsylvania, and afterwards by nent public men were members.
Bowdoin College, in Maine. After graduating, Mr. Ingersoll pursued Among his many public employments, his studies, and was admitted to the bar aside from his professional and political in his native city, where he entered upon life, he has been for a considerable time a an active practice. He did not, however, member of the Board of Trustees of the as is too commonly the case with success- University of Pennsylvania, a delegate to ful lawyers, devote himself wholly to his the Diocesan Convention of the Protespractice, but frequently engaged in literary tant Episcopal Church in Pennsylvania, exercises on subjects connected with his and recently a delegate to the General profession. An early effort of his was a Convention at New York. He is also a translation from the Latin of the treatise a director of several of the charitable asof Roccus on ships and freight, etc., of sociations of Philadelphia, president of the which the distinguished scholar and jurist, Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts, M. Duponceau, thus speaks in his learned and the Pennsylvania Colonization Society: translation of Bynckershoeck's Treatise on The history of Mr. Ingersoll's political the Law of War:
life is no less brief than honorable. Hav
ing been for a short time a member of " An excellent English translation of this Congress in 1836-7, and then having dewell-known work,” (de Navibus et Nanto, item clined a re-election, he was again urged, de Assecurationibus,) " the original of which is and finally induced to accept a nomination very scarce, has been lately published with in the autumn of 1841-2. The election valuable notes,' by Joseph R. Ingersoll, Esq. resulted in his choice, by a large majority, This translation is executed with great judg- resulted in his choice, by a large majority, ment and accuracy, and may, in our opinion, for the residue of the Twenty-seventh Conwell supply the place of the original." gress, and he has since been continually
re-elected by increasing majorities. In the midst of an extensive connection He was an active supporter of the tariff at the bar, Mr. Ingersoll continued to min- of 1842, and made, in July of that year, gle literary with professional labors, by an elaborate speech in its favor. He was delivering discourses at the invitation of also among the few at first, who sustained universities in every part of the country. uniformly the tariff policy, and the proprieThe last of these occasions was last sum ty and necessity of giving it immediate efmer, Aug. 5th, 1847, when he addressed fect by protective legislation, even without the literary societies of the University of necessarily connecting it with a continued Georgia, at Athens in that State. These distribution of the proceeds of the public discourses have been published by the va lands. In this, they encountered the veto rious institutions for whom they were pre- and opposition of Mr. Tyler. pared. Mr. Ingersoll has also delivered, Mr. Ingersoll was the author of the maat various times, many addresses of a po- jority report of the Committee of Ways litical character, which have likewise been ! and Means, of the same Congress, against
the assumption of State debts, and a pro- | ticular occasion, the peril of a gallant little posed issue of two hundred millions of army aroused the patriotic feelings of every U. S. government stock for distribution true American, and the great body of the among the States.
Whig members were fortunately not to be In the 28th Congress, he was the author driven from their purpose by mere party of an elaborate report from the minority strategy. of the Committee of Ways and Means, In the present 30th Congress, Mr. Inagainst a repeal of the tariff of 1842, and gersoll is understood to be devoting assidthe proposed substitute (which was not uous attention to the duties of the Comcarried till a subsequent Congress) of a mittee on the Judiciary, of which he is the system of reduced ad valorem duties. chairman. Numerous important bills have
He was also the author of a report from been prepared by him, some of which have a portion of a select committee on the Mas- been passed, and many are awaiting the sachusetts resolutions proposing an amend tardy movements of the House. One of ment of the Constitution, abolishing the these contemplates a permanent system three-fifths clause of representation. for the judicial tribunals of the United
Against the annexation of Texas he States, which would enable them to disspoke at length, and was probably the first charge their important duties without liato take the ground that such annexation, bility to an accumulation of business, which while Texas was at war as an independent amounts to a denial of justice. Another nation with Mexico, was ipso facto war bill and report has in view the revision with Mexico.
and classification of the laws of the United The Sub-Treasury law, finally carried States. Others provide for the abolition of by a strict party vote in the succeeding, custom house oaths; against public exe29th, Congress, was earnestly opposed by cutions of criminals; for a reform in the him in a published speech. On the Ore- arrangement of admiralty proceedings; gon question, his speech against the 54 40 for taking the next census, etc. doctrine, and in favor of an amicable ad Mr. Ingersoll refused to concur in the justment of the threatening controversy, amendment to a vote of thanks to Gen. is doubtless yet fresh in the memory of Taylor, which was to the effect that his many readers of this sketch. He also military services had been rendered in a spoke at large against the proposed tariff war brought about unconstitutionally by of '46. Most of these speeches have been the President. Besides the operation of published in a pamphlet form.
such an amendment in tying up and deWhile steadfastly opposed to the origin feating the vote of thanks to which it was of the Mexican War, Mr. Ingersoll has inappropriately appended, he deemed the been as steadfastly disposed to sustain the assertion it contained inconsistent with his honor of the country and our armies in the uniform position that the war was a necesfield. He has therefore cordially support- sary consequence of the legislative act of ed the applications of the government for the annexation of Texas. necessary supplies. He voted with nearly We cannot more appropriately conclude the whole Whig party for the bill of the this brief sketch of one whose voice has 11th of May, 1846, notwithstanding its been so uniformly heard advocating, in the absurd preamble. Intelligence had been national councils, the great measures of received of the extremely critical position the Whig party, than by giving a few exof Gen. Taylor's small force. The bill tracts from his public speeches. proposed to give the President power to In the debate upon the tariff of 1842, call for a large body of volunteers, and ap- much was said of the so-called “Compropropriated ten millions of dollars. These mise Act,” which it was supposed to disrewere indispensable. A preamble, by well gard, and of the implied contract on the settled parliamentary law, is no part of a part of the North to abide by that act perbill. It may be interposed for the mere manently. Mr. Ingersoll insisted that it purpose of preventing support, except was in no respect binding beyond the pefrom a particular quarter. It is at the riod of its own express limitation, and that best a mere suggestion of the motives of being introduced for the benefit and relief the draughtsman of the bill. On the par- / of the South, it was calculated to injure