to the President, that we look for these measures. It is in Congress, and not in the President, that the power over these subjects resides. If the President to be elected for the next term should agree with us in regard to the importance of these measures, he may, as the Constitution directs, in his discretion, recommend the consideration of them to Congress; or Congress may consider them without his recommendation. But we do not look to him, however favorably or strongly inclined towards these measures, for any influence in their behalf other than that which the Constitution contemplates and prescribes; least of all do we expect him to undertake to force them on an unwilling Congress, by threats of displeasure or promises of favor or reward. As Whigs we shall be satisfied, and we are bound by our principles to be satisfied, first with his recommendation of them, if such shall be his opinion, and next with his allowing Congress to do its own work in relation to these subjects, without the interposition of his veto on the results of their labors.

We think it must, by this time, be apparent to the reader who has followed us thus far, what, in our estimation, are the distinctive principles of the Whig party, and also what sort of principles a candidate for the Presidency ought to hold in order to be acceptable, as such, to the Whig party. As we have said, we are a conservative party, as well as a party of progress. We want a President who knows his place when he is in it, who will take the Constitution for his guide and counsellor, and who will be content with the limited authority it clothes him with. We want a President who will leave it to Congress, under such official recommendation as he shall deem it necessary or expedient to give, to shape the policy of the government for the time, so far as it may depend on legislation and nearly everything of direct interest to the people does depend, by the Constitution, on the legislative department. We want an honest President, one who, with Whig sentiments and feelings in his heart, shall be the President of the nation, and not of a party. If he be not thus honest and patriotic, he is no Whig, be he who or what he may. he do not rule by the Constitution, and in the fear of God, and with an anxious de

If

sire to see this nation built up in virtue and moral greatness, as well as in wealth and physical grandeur, and enjoying Liberty, supported by Law, Order, Goodness, and Truth, he is no Whig.

ZACHARY TAYLOR has been presented to the People of the United States as a candidate for the Presidency, by a National Convention assembled at Philadelphia. This was a party convention, composed of Whigs, and convened according to the approved usages of that party in such cases. Probably no party convention ever met in this country which combined in its composition more talent or more patriotism. The results of its deliberations and its recommendations ought, we think, to come to the Whigs of the United States with the force of some authority. General Taylor was nominated by a strong majority over all competitors on a fourth ballot. From the first, his vote was not confined to single States, or to any particular section. Well known and honored Whigs from New England, and from the Middle and Western States, voted, from the beginning, for his nomination. We have seen no evidence, nor heard of any, that the Convention was infected with any corruption, or acted under any delusion or deception. If party organization is a necessary or desirable thing, we do not see how its action in this instance can well be repudiated. Those who are Whigs and mean to continue such, and who believe that they can offer patriotic service to the country in no other party combination so well as in this, will feel bound, we suppose, to give the nomination of General Taylor a hearty support; certainly they will do so, unless it shall appear that the Convention which presented his name, acted under some palpable mistake or error, in regard to the character of the man, and the principles entertained by him. If it had appeared, or should turn out, that a Whig National Convention, like that assembled at Philadelphia, had nominated a man who was not a Whig in sentiment at all, or who, for defects of character or fitness, was unworthy of the support of a great party, we should certainly hope to see character and consistency enough in the party to reject such a nomination. But we think, at the same time, that a strong array of facts would be required to convince candid Whigs

that a Whig Convention had really fallen into so strange a mistake.

It is undoubtedly true that Gen. Taylor, up to the time of his nomination by the Philadelphia Convention, had not, by any prominent act or action, on his part, identified himself with any party combination whatever. He had been nearly all his life a soldier, living in camps, and serving his country in the field. For many years he had been stationed on service upon our remote Western frontier, or in the Indian countries. He had been in no manner mixed up with politics or political parties. He had not, however, been unobservant of civil affairs; he was not unacquainted with the civil history of his country, or with current events, or with the character and objects of contending parties. He was a reading man, a reflecting man, and a man of close observation. He had been in no

condition to take any active part in public affairs, beyond what appertained to his profession of arms. But he was not without his opinions on politics and parties. In a letter dated August 3d, 1847, after stating that he was, what he had been represented to be, "a Whig in principle," he says: "At the last Presidential canvass it was well known to all with whom I mixed, Whigs and Democrats-for I had no concealment in the matter-that I was decidedly in favor of Mr. Clay's election, and I would now prefer seeing him in that office to any individual in the Union."

It cannot surprise any reflecting person that General Taylor, in camp in the face of the public enemy, when first approached on the subject of the Presidency, should have replied to all suggestions and solicitations rather after the manner of an old soldier than a hackneyed politician. The very first letter, so far as we can find, ever written by him in reference to this subject, and which was in answer to a communication addressed to him from Ohio, was dated at Matamoras, July 21st, 1846; and in it he holds this language:

"I feel very grateful to you, sir, and to my fellow-citizens who with you have expressed the very flattering desire to place my name in nomination for the Presidency; but it becomes me sincerely and frankly to acknowledge to you that for that office I have no aspiration whatever. Although no politician, having always held myself aloof from the clamors of party

in

politics, I am a Whig, and shall ever be devoted in individual opinion to the principles of you have that party. Even if the subject which your letter opened to me were acceptable at any time, I have not the leisure to attend to it now; the vigorous prosecution of the war with Mexico, so important to the interests of my country, demands every moment of my present time, and it is my great desire to bring it to a speedy and honorable termination."

He continued to be plied with communications on this subject, and he continued to answer, when he thought himself compelled to answer at all, after the same manner. After the letter just quoted, we have seen nothing from him on the subject of a date earlier than the 28th of April, 1847, written from his camp, near MonteThis letter was in reply to one which had proposed to tender him a nomination by the "Native American Convention," and in it he said :

rey.

"Even if an aspirant for the Presidential office, (which is not the case,) I could not, while the country is involved in war, and while my duty calls me to take part against the enemy, acknowledge any ambition beyond that of bestowing all my best exertions towards obtaining an adjustment of our difficulties with Mexico.'

It is worth observing that, in all his cor- . respondence touching this matter, so long as he was actually in the field and engaged in military operations, so far from manifesting any eagerness for such a movement, he was constantly disposed to discourage the use of his name for President, and especially by any party, lest the effect might be to lessen, in some quarters, public confidence in him as a military commander, and so result in injury to the public service in which he was engaged. "I regret," said he, in June, 1847, "the subject has been agitated at this early day, and that it had not been deferred until the close of this war, or until the end of the next session of Congress, especially if I am to be mixed up with it, as it is possible it may lead to the injury of the public service in this quarter by my operations being embarrassed," &c. In another letter he said: 'My own personal views [on questions of public policy about which his opinions had been asked] were better withheld till the end of the war, when my usefulness as a

military chief serving in the field against the common enemy shall no longer be compromised by their expression or discussion in any matter." In another letter still, he held this language:-" If I have been named by others, and considered a candidate for the Presidency, it has been by no agency of mine in the matter; and if the good people think my services important in that station and elect me, I will feel bound to serve them; and all the pledges and explanations I can enter into and make, as regards this or that policy, is that I will do so honestly and faithfully to the best of my abilities, strictly in compliance with the Constitution. Should I ever occupy the White House, it must be by the spontaneous move of the people, and by no act of mine, so that I could go into the office untrammelled, and be the chief magistrate of the nation and not of a party."

All who remember the correspondence between the Department of War and General Taylor-the want of support of which he had constantly to complain, and the manifest jealousy of the administration towards him on account of his successes-will be at no loss to understand what the General means, when he objects to the agitation of the subject of the Presidency by the use of his name, and especially by any party, so long as he had such high duties in the field to perform, and for the efficient performance of which it was so necessary that he should have, as far as possible, the full confidence both of the country and of the administration. It was not for him, voluntarily, or by any act whatever of his own, to place himself openly before the country in an attitude of political hostility to the President and his administration, under whose orders he was operating in the field against the public enemy. If the people in any quarter should spontaneously move in the matter, he could not help it. He would do nothing to encourage any movement of the sort whatever, and as for political parties, arrayed in opposition to the administration, he would not, whatever might be his private opinions, take such a time to identify himself with any of them. At home, and in civil life, he could say, "I am a Whig, and shall ever be devoted, in individual opinion, to the principles of that party;"

but here I am a soldier, serving my country and my whole country; and here, in the face of the public enemy, under the orders of my constitutional Commanderin-Chief, I am an American-I have no party. My time, my talents, my energies, shall all be devoted to this service while thus employed, and no part of either will I give towards making myself a party to any movement-especially by any political combination-for my elevation to the Presidential office.

It is also true, undoubtedly, aside from the consideration just stated, that Gen. Taylor was then, and has been all the while, averse to his being looked upon by his countrymen as a mere party man. He claimed to be something more and better than this, and in giving voice to this feeling, he has sometimes uttered strong expressions, which need to be taken in connection with the character and professional occupations of the man, in order to be rightly understood. As a soldier, on an exposed and responsible post of duty, it seemed to him proper that he should be an American, and nothing else. As a patriot, and one who, though "a Whig, and devoted in individual opinion to the principles of that party," was also a soldier and "no politician, having always held himself aloof from the clamors of party politics," he would have been glad, if such a thing were possible, that once more since the case of Washington, not to mention that of Monroe, a President of these United States might be elected by the common voice of the people, and without their division into rancorous and hostile parties. At any rate, he seemed resolved from the first, so far as he was concerned, not to give encouragement to any mere party organization to make him their candidate. The manner in which he constantly repelled the repeated advances of the "Native American" party, is very significant. But his language was consistent towards all parties. He did not desire to be a mere party candidate, or elected to be the exponent of any mere party doctrines. If elected at all, he wished to be left at liberty, and he resolved he would be, to "look to the Constitution, and to the high interests of our common country, and not to the principles of a party, for his rules of action." Where the principles of a party

agreed with his own, and squared, at the same time, both with the Constitution and the high interests of the country, of course he would have no difficulty about them, or about his "rules of action;" and this, as we shall see directly, is exactly the state of things, and exactly his position in regard to the principles of the Whig party. Gen. Taylor thought it more becoming the high dignity of such a position as that of President of the United States, or that of a candidate for the Presidency, to declare that "the Constitution, in a strict and honest interpretation, and in the spirit and mode in which it was acted upon by the earlier Presidents, would be his chief guide" in that high office, rather than promise to do the will and bidding of any party. And he thought also, no doubt and he adhered for a long time, with characteristic and honest pertinacity, to this idea and this hope-that a President, though known to entertain sentiments consonant to those of a particular party, and therefore supported as the nominee of that party, would be all the more fortunate and happy, and all the more likely to be useful to his country, if receiving at the same time a popular support, irrespective of party. They were strictly popular movements, or so they seemed to him, which first presented his name for President, and it was in response to such movements that his assent to the use of his name was first given. Having consented to occupy that position, it was not for him to withdraw from it, though others might withdraw him if they chose. It was not inconsistent with that position that he should receive and accept the nomination of a party, at least of the Whig party, with whose principles his own were in accordance; but then it was necessary this should be done without exacting from him any mere party pledges.

Such, according to our understanding of the matter, was the position of Gen. Taylor down to the time of the holding of the Philadelphia Convention. He was already before the people, in some quarters, as a popular candidate irrespective of party. The question now was, whether he should be made the candidate of the Whig party. To this he was willing to assent; two things, however, being expressly understood. One was, that he could not him

self withdraw his own name as a popular candidate, in order to stand in the list of candidates before the Convention; but he agreed that those friends of his who came into this Convention with his name, did, by that act, so far as they were concerned, pledge themselves, and were bound, to sustain the nominee of the Convention, whoever he might be. Considering the attitude in which these friends stood towards him, this was virtually a withdrawal of his name wholly from the canvass, in the event of some other person receiving the nomination of the Convention. The other thing to be understood in his behalf was, that in no event should any pledges be exacted of him as the candidate of the Whig party, beyond what might be implied in the sentiments already freely expressed by him.

The question presents itself, whether the Convention had sufficient evidence of the political sentiments of Gen. Taylor, to justify them, as Whigs, in putting him in nomination, in the face of his declaration, that he would give them no pledges beyond the general avowal of his sentiments already before the public. What then was known of his political opinions at the sitting of the Convention? We venture to say, as much was known as could be known of the opinions of any man not actually brought up in the din and strife of party politics. He had already in repeated instances declared that he was a Whig, though he took care uniformly to qualify the declaration with the remark, that he was not an ultra Whig. Still he was a Whig, and "should ever be devoted, in individual opinion, to the principles of that party."

But he did not rest finally in this general declaration. After the war was virtually over, and he was withdrawn from the field, he put forth a more explicit and full declaration of his opinions. And we propose now to place that document on record, at length, in this journal, received as it was-in our judgment properly received as satisfactory to the Convention which nominated Gen. Taylor to the Presidency, and worthy to be received everywhere, by all true Whigs, as an exposition of his principles, highly creditable to him, and wholly satisfactory to them. The letter alluded to follows, and the best

Baton Rouge, April 22, 1848. DEAR SIR-My opinions have recently been so often misconceived and misrepresented, that I deem it due to myself, if not to my friends, to make a brief exposition of them upon the topics to which you have called my

attention.

I have consented to the use of my name as a candidate for the Presidency. I have frankly avowed my own distrust of my fitness for that high station; but having, at the solicitation of many of my countrymen, taken my position as a candidate, I do not feel at liberty to surrender that position until my friends manifest a wish that I should retire from it. I will then most

gladly do so. I have no private purposes to accomplish, no party projects to build up, no enemies to punish-nothing to serve but my country.

I have been very often addressed by letter, and my opinions have been asked upon almost every question that might occur to the writers as affecting the interests of their country or their party. I have not always responded to these inquiries, for various reasons.

I confess, whilst I have great cardinal principles which will regulate my political life, I am not sufficiently familiar with all the minute details of political legislation to give solemn pledges to exert my influence, if I were President, to carry out this or defeat that measure. I have no concealment. I hold no opinion which I would not readily proclaim to my assembled countrymen; but crude impressions upon matters of policy, which may be right to-day and wrong to-morrow, are, perhaps, not the best test of fitness for office. One who cannot be trusted without pledges cannot be confided in merely on account of them.

I will proceed, however, now to respond to your inquiries.

First. 1 reiterate what I have often said-I

am a Whig, but not an ultra Whig. If elected I would not be the mere President of a party. I would endeavor to act independent of party domination. I should feel bound to administer the government untrammelled by party schemes. Second. The veto power. The power given by the Constitution to the executive to interpose his veto, is a high conservative power; but in my opinion should never be exercised except in

control the action of Congress upon questions of domestic policy; nor ought his objections to be interposed where questions of constitutional power have been settled by the various departments of government and acquiesced in by the people.

Third. Upon the subjects of the tariff, the currency, the improvement of our great highways, rivers, lakes, and harbors, the will of the people, as expressed through their Representatives in Congress, ought to be respected and carried out by the Executive.

Fourth. The Mexican war. I sincerely rejoice at the prospect of peace. My life has been devoted to arms, yet I look upon war at all times and under all circumstances as a national calamity, to be avoided if compatible with national honor. The principles of our Government, as well as its true policy, are opposed to the subjugation of other nations and the dismemberment of other countries by conquest. In the language of the great Washington, "Why should we quit our own to stand on foreign ground?" In the Mexican war our national honor has been vindicated, amply vindicated, and in dictating terms of peace, we may well afford to be forbearing and even magnanimous to our fallen foe.

These are my opinions upon the subjects referred to by you; and any reports or publications, written or verbal, from any source, differing in any essential particular from what is here written, are unauthorized and untrue.

I do not know that I shall again write upon the subject of national politics. I shall engage in no schemes, no combinations, no intrigues. If the American people have not confidence in me, they ought not to give me their suffrages. If they do not, you know me well enough to believe me when I declare I shall be content. I am too old a soldier to murmur against such high authority. Z. TAYLOR.

To Capt. J. S. ALLISON.

If we have been at all fortunate in the

Let it