THE REVOLUTION IN GERMANY. By J. M. Mackie, 345 "WOMAN'S RIGHTS." By Rev. John W. Nevin, D.D., 367 MANABOZHO AND THE GREAT SERPENT. By E. G. Squier, 392 But these admiring De Tocquevilles did reckon, to use a common phrase, without their host; they were not aware that nine thousand out of the ten thousand so styled "friends of Mr. Clay," rending the air with acclamation, came there either to see a crowd and exercise their lungs, or else to pledge themselves to a forbearance which they could not maintain. If it were not that the very name of party honor" or "party morality" excites a smile, it might be worth one's while to adduce the propriety of keeping up a certain credit and consistency in these proceedings. But since the new "movement,' started by the discontents, it has become necessary to use other and more appreciable arguments. Ar the great meeting held in New York by the friends of Mr. Clay, previous to the assembling of the Convention at Philadelphia, resolutions were read and speeches were made, in which the favorite candidate was recommended as the choice of the Whigs of New York, "subject," however, and with a remarkable emphasis on the word subject, "to the decision of a National Convention." The resolutions and the speeches were heard with acclamation; all sensible men admired in their hearts, and some even incautiously boasted of, the superior sense and sagacity of the New York Whigs, of their "fine enthusiasm, tempered by so great discretion and wisdom," with observations in the style of a De Tocqueville, on the grand spectacle of "ten thousand assembled freemen," who, if they had chosen, could have gone mad on the instant, and displayed the most horrid or ridiculous conduct, "conducting themselves, nevertheless, with propriety, and submitting to the voice of reason and a National Convention. "Noble specta-ferson, on beholding so vast an assemcle," cried those philosophers, "and that ought to make tyrants blush, to see ten thousand men in one place, with nobody to govern them, behaving with decency, and talking of submission! Sight gratifying to the hearts of patriots!" What then are the grounds of the discontents, and what remedy do they propose? A stranger, unacquainted with the spirit of our politics, or who had studied our institutions in the dignified writings of Madison, Hamilton and Jef blage as that which met lately in New York to denounce the Philadelphia Convention, would no doubt believe that some article of the Constitution, some grand bulwark of Liberty had been attacked, and that General Taylor and his friends were the instruments of some tyrannical faction whose design was to overthrow the government, and break up the Union.* With what a revulsion of feeling would he learn the fact, that this assemblage came together only to defeat their own party, from which they differed in not a single article of faith or practice. Unable to believe at once in so much folly, he would address himself, perhaps, at the close of the meeting, to some one of the assemblage, whose face and conduct showed intelligence, with the question, "Sir, I am a stranger in your country, but eager to understand your institutions; will you inform me of the purpose of this vast and enthusiastic assemblage? Citizen. These citizens are the friends of Mr. Clay. They have assembled here tonight to do him honor. Stranger. How? By acclamation? Cit. Yes, and by other means. They mean to defeat the election of General Taylor, the opposing candidate. Str. Ah! I understand. The famous general, whom all the world knows, is the candidate of the opposite party, Mr. Clay of the Whigs. Cit. No, sir, (courteously.) General Taylor is the candidate of the Whigs. Str. And were there no other candidates of the Whigs? Cit. There were two others-Mr. Webster of Massachusetts, and General Scott, the favorite of the West. Str. I suppose, then, that the friends of Mr. Webster will hold a great meeting in Massachusetts, and the friends of General Scott in the West, for the same purpose, to honor their own candidate and defeat General Taylor? Cit. By no means; that would be ridiculous. Str. Why then is it not ridiculous in the friends of Mr. Clay? Does he occupy a position so peculiar, that what is proper for his friends is ridiculous for those of Mr. Webster or General Scott? Cit. The case needs explanation. You have heard, perhaps, of the Philadelphia Convention? Str. No. * A faction pursues an interest which is not supposed to be the interest of the whole. A party pursues the interest of the nation, as they view it. Cit. The Whigs of the Union, after a great triumph over their adversaries in Congress-a triumph, sir, of principle, in which the majority of the nation heartily sympathized with them-believed that if they could select a proper candidate, they might possibly elect him to the presidency, and by that means secure a Whig ascendency in the national councils. They met accordingly at Philadelphia, by delegates from all the States, and proceeded to ascertain who, of all the candidates, was the people's choice; that is to say, who of them would have the majority of voices. For, it was agreed, by the party, that whoever received the majority of votes in a fair convention, should become the candidate of the whole party. The majority voted for General Taylor. Their choice lay between four candidates, two of whom were military men and two statesmen. Of the two statesmen-who were, indeed, the recognized leaders and representatives of the party-one, Mr. Webster, though a man of vast ability, could not be taken as a national candidate, because it was very certain that his nomination would not be popular in the South. And it was necessary to the success of the party that the candidate should have a nearly equal and diffused popularity throughout the nation-that he should have political friends, strong in numbers and in spirit, in every State of the Union. Now, Mr. Webster's popularity, though sufficient to carry every Whig in New England, was not as powerful in the South. If you are acquainted with modern history, the reasons of this need not be explained to you. The South do not, perhaps, thoroughly understand their own interests; else Mr. Webster would be as popular there as in New England. Southerners regard him as the representative of the East; which, indeed, he is, but by-and-by they will know that he is also the representative of the nation. That, however, is a difficulty which time only can cure. Mr. Webster, in brief, could not be taken as the sure candidate. The next candidate in promise was General Scott. You have heard of his splendid achievements in Mexico? Aye. Well, this commander is held by those who know him to possess all the qualities of a great soldier and a gen |