their occupations, and the politicians would await the report of the Board of Administrators, who would perhaps recommend ..the institution of some general representative body with advisory powers. This body would succeed to the powers of the

Board of Administrators whenever it

should seem safe to withdraw the direct foreign control."

How charmingly naïve! A "general representative body" is imagined to succeed to the "full executive control of the foreign administrators."

But when Mr Young wrote he had visions of golden opportunities. He thought that

"at the present time the existing configuration of political interests and influences seems on the point of a sudden rearrangement. The event of war between Turkey and Bulgaria, some conspicuous success on the part of the insurgents, or atrocity on the part of the Turks, or the indirect action of political upheavals in another part of the world, may throw the whole Macedonian Question open to reconsideration from the very beginning, and by sweeping away the status quo beyond hope of recall, enable those whose only object is to benefit the Macedonians to effect a

final and complete solution of the whole question."

On the occurrence of any such events Mr Young suggests that a conference of the Powers to deal with the situation might be summoned, the demands of the insurgents might be conceded, and a European Commission to act as temporary rulers of the province might be created. The task of the Commission would be to "institute a system of Home Rule under a Christian Governor."

Mr Young has a fanciful suggestion in regard to the Bulgar districts of Adrianople.

He would have Bulgaria to buy them from Turkey, but the purchase - money would be affected to the new Macedonian administration, and thus "perhaps obviate the necessity of raising an international loan, as in the case of Crete." In other words, Turkey is expected to sell a property and magnanimously to hand over the purchasemoney to set agoing the European machinery in Macedonia. This savours a good deal of the ingenuity of Sarafoff, who captured an American lady and employed her ransom to buy rifles for the Bulgarian insurgents. We regret that the editor of 'The Balkan Question' should have admitted such confused and impracticable ideas into a volume in which there are several able and instructive articles.

Our object in the preceding pages has been to show the complex nature of the Macedonian Question, and to explain the difficulties which beset its solution. It has emerged from its first stage, which was the courageous but unsuccessful effort of the Bulgarian bands, and it is now in its second and more hopeful stage, that of the action of the International Powers-the steam-roller which moves slowly but crushes surely. Of the ultimate success of that international action we need have no doubt. The examples of Greece, Roumania, Servia, Bulgaria, and Crete are there to prepare us for a long, arduous, persevering struggle for the improvement of the lot of the Christian races in Macedonia, but they are there also

to encourage us to "let patience have her perfect work.

The essential point is to be assured that the Powers are working on sound lines. It was unfortunate that two years ago the Powers agreed to delegate their action to Austria and Russia, but we do not doubt that in the archives of our Foreign Office there exists abundant proof that this could not then be avoided. Thanks to the firmness of Lord Lansdowne, England added a rider to that mandate, which made it neither permanent nor unalterable. The limited success of the Mürzsteg programme has shown that Austria and Russia alone are unable to achieve the objects desired in Macedonia, and the Powers have collectively decided upon measures which bring into action, not only Austria and Russia, but the other four Powers as well. These measures have been refused by the Sultan, but Lord Lansdowne in the House of Lords, on the 18th of July, distinctly assured the country that the British Government had no idea of acquiescing in that refusal, and he added, "I do not believe any of the Powers concerned, any more than ourselves, have the slightest idea of receding from the very moderate and reasonable demands which they have put forward." We rejoice in that assurance, more particularly as it indicates emphatically that the six Powers are working in harmony.

labour in the Macedonian cause, nothing has been accomplished. Spontaneously, the Sultan in 1902 appointed an InspectorGeneral of Roumelia, who was made the superior of the three "Valis" of Macedonia. This nomination has the effect of constituting one superior functionary upon whom the Powers could bring pressure, and so far it has been beneficial, for, although not sufficiently independent of Yildiz, Hussein Hilmi Pasha has shown a laudable degree of impartiality. The Mürzsteg programme attached to this Inspector-General two Assessors, one a Russian and the other an Austrian. They are simply advisers, with no executive powers, and are charged to report to their respective Embassies. It would have been better if one of the assessors had represented Austria and Russia, and the other England, France, Germany, and Italy. The Mürzsteg programme also attached foreign officers to the Gendarmerie of Macedonia. These officers were chosen from all the six Powers, and separate districts were allotted to each group.

their occupations, and the politicians would await the report of the Board of Administrators, who would perhaps recommend the institution of some general representative body with advisory powers. This body would succeed to the powers of the

Board of Administrators whenever it

should seem safe to withdraw the direct foreign control."

How charmingly naïve! A "general representative body" is imagined to succeed to the "full executive control of the foreign administrators."

But when Mr Young wrote he had visions of golden opportunities. He thought that "at the present time the existing configuration of political interests and influences seems on the point of a sudden rearrangement. The event of war between Turkey and Bulgaria, some conspicuous success on the part of the insurgents, or atrocity on the part of the Turks, or the indirect action of political upheavals in another part of the world, may throw the whole Macedonian Question open to reconsideration from the very beginning, and by sweeping away the status quo beyond hope of recall, enable those whose only object is to benefit the Macedonians to effect a final and complete solution of the whole question."

On the occurrence of any such events Mr Young suggests that a conference of the Powers

He would have Bulgaria to buy them from Turkey, but the would be purchase - money affected to the new Macedonian administration, and thus "perhaps obviate the necessity of raising an international loan, as in the case of Crete." In other words, Turkey is expected to sell a property and magnanimously to hand over the purchasemoney to set agoing the European machinery in Macedonia. This savours a good deal of the ingenuity of Sarafoff, who captured an American lady and employed her ransom to buy rifles for the Bulgarian insurgents. We regret that the editor of 'The Balkan Question' should have admitted such confused and impracticable ideas into a volume in which there are several able and instructive articles.

Our object in the preceding pages has been to show the complex nature of the Macedonian Question, and to explain the difficulties which beset its solution. It has emerged from its first stage, which was the courageous but unsuccessful effort of the Bulgarian bands, and it is now in its second and more hopeful stage, that of the action of the International Powers-the steam-roller which moves slowly but crushes surely. Of the ultimate success of that international action we need have no doubt. The examples of Greece, Roumania, Servia, Bulgaria, and Crete are there to prepare us for a long, arduous, persevering struggle for the improvement of the lot of the Christian races in Macedonia, but they are there also

to encourage us to "let patience have her perfect work.'

The essential point is to be assured that the Powers are working on sound lines. It

was unfortunate that two years ago the Powers agreed to delegate their action to Austria and Russia, but we do not doubt that in the archives of our Foreign Office there exists abundant proof that this could not then be avoided. Thanks to the firmness of Lord Lansdowne, England added a rider to that mandate, which made it neither permanent nor unalterable. The limited success of the Mürzsteg programme has shown that Austria and Russia alone are unable to achieve the objects desired in Macedonia, and the Powers have collectively decided upon measures which bring into action, not only Austria and Russia, but the other four Powers as well. These measures have been refused by the Sultan, but Lord Lansdowne in the House of Lords, on the 18th of July, distinctly assured the country that the British Government had no idea of acquiescing in that refusal, and he added, "I do not believe any of the Powers concerned, any more than ourselves, have the slightest idea of receding from the very moderate and reasonable demands which they have put forward." We rejoice in that assurance, more particularly as it indicates emphatically that the six Powers are working in harmony.

Let it not be imagined that since the Powers, two years ago, began collectively collectively to

labour in the Macedonian cause, nothing has been accomplished. Spontaneously, the Sultan in 1902 appointed an InspectorGeneral of Roumelia, who was made the superior of the three "Valis" of Macedonia. This nomination has the effect of constituting one superior functionary upon whom the Powers could bring pressure, and so far it has been beneficial, for, although not sufficiently independent of Yildiz, Hussein Hilmi Pasha has shown a laudable degree of impartiality. The Mürzsteg programme attached to this Inspector-General two Assessors, one a Russian and the other an Austrian. They are simply advisers, with no executive powers, and are charged to report to their respective Embassies. It would have been better if one of the assessors had represented Austria and Russia, and the other England, France, Germany, and Italy. The Mürzsteg programme also attached foreign officers to the Gendarmerie of Macedonia. These officers were chosen from all the six Powers, and separate districts were allotted to each group. It was soon found expedient to increase their number, and this was done notwithstanding the reluctance of the Sublime Porte. There was thus established a foreign control over the general administration of the province, and over the executive connected with public security. Little has been heard of the labours of the assessors, but their presence cannot have failed to be productive of good,

their occupations, and the politicians would await the report of the Board of Administrators, who would perhaps recommend the institution of some general representative body with advisory powers. This body would succeed to the powers of the

...

Board of Administrators whenever it

should seem safe to withdraw the direct foreign control."

How charmingly naïve! A "general representative body" is imagined to succeed to the "full executive control of the foreign administrators."

But when Mr Young wrote he had visions of golden opportunities. He thought that

"at the present time the existing

configuration of political interests and influences seems on the point of a sudden rearrangement. The event of war between Turkey and Bulgaria, some conspicuous success on the part of the insurgents, or atrocity on the part of the Turks, or the indirect action of political upheavals in another part of the world, may throw the whole Macedonian Question open to reconsideration from the very beginning, and by sweeping away the status quo beyond hope of recall, enable those whose only object is to benefit the Macedonians to effect a final and complete solution of the whole question."

On the occurrence of any such events Mr Young suggests that a conference of the Powers to deal with the situation might be summoned, the demands of the insurgents might be conceded, and a European Commission to act as temporary rulers of the province might be created. The task of the Commission would be to "institute a system of Home Rule under a Christian Governor."

Mr Young has a fanciful suggestion in regard to the Bulgar districts of Adrianople.

He would have Bulgaria to buy them from Turkey, but the would be purchase - money affected to the new Macedonian administration, and thus "perhaps obviate the necessity of raising an international loan, as in the case of Crete." In other words, Turkey is expected to sell a property and magnanim. ously to hand over the purchasemoney to set agoing the European machinery in Macedonia. This savours a good deal of the ingenuity of Sarafoff, who captured an American lady and employed her ransom to buy rifles for the Bulgarian insurgents. We regret that the editor of 'The Balkan Question' should have admitted such confused and impracticable ideas into a volume in which there are several able and instructive articles.

Our object in the preceding pages has been to show the complex nature of the Macedonian Question, and to explain the difficulties which beset its solution. It has emerged from its first stage, which was the courageous but unsuccessful effort of the Bulgarian bands, and it is now in its second and more hopeful stage, that of the action of the International Powers-the steam-roller which moves slowly but crushes surely. Of the ultimate success of that international action we need have no doubt. The examples of Greece, Roumania, Servia, Bulgaria, and Crete are there to prepare us for a long, arduous, persevering struggle for the improvement of the lot of the Christian races in Macedonia, but they are there also