as well as from the balance of trade, I own, I have never been able to elicit one ray of common sense.) That the nature of our constitution has been greatly modified by the funding system, I do not deny: whether for good or for evil, on the whole, will form part of my Essay on the British Constitution as it actually exists.

There are many and great public evils, all of which are to be lamented, some of which may be, and ought to be removed, and none of which can consistently with wisdom or honesty be kept concealed from the public. As far as these originate in false PRINCIPLES, or in the contempt or neglect of right ones (and as such belonging to the plan of THE FRIEND,) I shall not hesitate to make known my opinions concerning them, with the same fearless simplicity with which I have endeavoured to expose the errors of discontent and the artifices of faction. But for the very reason that there are great evils, the more does it behove us not to open out on a false scent.

I will conclude this Essay with the examination of an article in a provincial paper of a recent date, which is now lying before me; the

accidental perusal of which, occasioned the whole of the preceding remarks. In order to guard against a possible mistake, I must premise, that I have not the most distant intention of defending the plan or conduct of our late expeditions, and should be grossly calumniated if I were represented as an advocate for carelessness or prodigality in the management of the public purse. The public money may or may not have been culpably wasted. I confine myself entirely to the general falsehood of the principle in the article here cited; for I am convinced, that any hopes of reform originating in such notions, must end in disappointment and public mockery.

"ONLY A FEW MILLIONS!

We have unfortunately of late been so much accustomed to read of millions being spent in one expedition, and millions being spent in another, that a comparative insignificance is attached to an immense sum of money, by calling it only a few millions. Perhaps some of our readers may have their judgment a little improved by making a few calculations, like those below, on the millions which it has been estimated will be lost to the nation by the late expedition to Holland; and then perhaps, they will be led to reflect on the many millions

which are annually expended in expeditions, which have almost invariably ended in absolute loss.

In the first place, with less money than it cost the nation to take Walcheren, &c. with the view of taking or destroying the French fleet at Antwerp, consisting of nine sail of the line, we could have completely built and equipped, ready for sea, a fleet of upwards of one hundred sail of the line.

Or, secondly, a new town could be built in every county of England, and each town consist of upwards of 1,000 substantial houses for a less sum.

Or, thirdly, it would have been enough to give 1001. to 2,000 poor families in every county in England and Wales.

Or, fourthly, it would be more than sufficient to give a handsome marriage portion to 200,000 young women, who probably, if they had even less than 50l. would not long remain unsolicited to enter the happy state.

Or, fifthly, a much less sum would enable the legislature to establish a life boat in every port in the United Kingdom, and provide for 10 or 12 men to be kept in constant attendance on each; and 100,000l. could be funded, the interest of which to be applied in premiums to those who should prove to be particularly active in saving lives from wrecks, &c. and to provide for the widows and children of those men who may accidentally lose their lives in the cause of humanity.

This interesting appropriation of 10 millions sterling,

may lead our readers to think of the great good tliat can be done by only a few millions.”

The exposure of this calculation will require but a few sentences. These ten millions were expended, I presume, in arms, artillery, ammunition, cloathing, provision, &c. &c. for about one hundred and twenty thousand British subjects: and I presume that all these consumables were produced by, and purchased from, other British subjects. Now during the building of these new towns for a thousand inhabitants each in every county, or the distribution of the hundred pound bank notes to the two thousand poor families, were the industrious ship-builders, clothiers, charcoalburners, gunpowder-makers, gunsmiths, cutlers, cannon-founders, taylors, and shoemakers, to be left unemployed and starving? or our brave soldiers and sailors to have remained without food and raiment? And where is the proof, that these ten millions, which (observe) all remain in the kingdom, do not circulate as beneficially in the one way as they would in the other? Which is better? To give money to the idle, the houses to those who do not ask for them, and

towns to counties which have already perhaps too many? Or to afford opportunity to the industrious to earn their bread, and to the enterprizing to better their circumstances, and perhaps found new families of independent proprietors? The only mode, not absolutely absurd, of considering the subject, would be, not by the calculation of the money expended, but of the labour of which the money is a symbol. But then the question would be removed altogether from the expedition: for assuredly, neither the armies were raised, nor the fleets built or manned for the sake of conquering the Isle of Walcheren, nor would a single regiment have been disbanded, or a single sloop paid off, though the Isle of Walcheren had never existed. The whole dispute, therefore, resolves itself to this one question: whether our soldiers and sailors would not be better employed in making canals for instance, or cultivating waste lands, than in fighting or in learning to fight; and the tradesman, &c. in making grey coats instead of red or blueand ploughshares, &c. instead of arms. When I reflect on the state of China and the moral