"It is our pride to believe that the American merchants, with very few exceptions, are as distinguished for good faith as any on earth. The imputation thrown on them is a masked pretence to repel the odium of vexatious injuries, and to excuse violations of law, which cannot be justified.

"Your memorialists wish to take no part in the contests which now convulse the world; but acting with impartiality towards all nations, to reap the fruits of a just neutrality. If however, conciliation cannot ef fect the purpose of justice, and AN APPEAL TO ARMS be the last and necessary protection of honor, they feel no disposition to decline the common danger, or shrink from the common contribution.

"Relying on the wisdom and firmness of the general government in this behalf, they feel no hesitation to PLEDGE THEIR LIVES and PROPERTIES in support of the measures which may be adopted to vindicate the public rights, and redress the public wrongs."

I BEG the reader will devote a few minutes to a re-perusal of these important, these invaluable documents. Without bearing in mind their contents, it is impossible to form a correct estimate of the policy of this country, or of the merits and demerits of the two parties, whose senseless, and envenomed, and infuriated hostility, was of late rapidly sending to perdition the noblest country, the happiest people, and the best form of government in the world.

We must not forget for an instant, the cause of all these impassioned complaints, these invocations of redress, these pledges of support. This is the most important item in the affair. It was simply the right to re-export the productions of the colonies of the enemies of Great Britain—a right, however clear and indefeasible, which was wholly unessential to the prosperity of our country. We might have abandoned it without the sacrifice of an iota of the happiness of our citizens, or the real honor of the nation.

No man of decency can deny, after the perusal of these documents, that the mercantile citizens of the United States urged -it would not be extravagant to say, goaded—the government into a resistance of the high-handed and oppressive pretensions

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and outrages of Great Britain. Every paragraph establishes this important fact. The expression of the public sentiment on this subject, was nearly simultaneous from Newburyport to Baltimore.

That they calculated upon war, as the dernier resort, is ob vious from the phraseology. It cannot be misunderstood.When the Boston merchants express their reliance that

"Such measures will be promptly adopted, as will tend to disembarrass commerce, ASSERT OUR RIGHTS, and support the dignity of the United States," it would be absurd and ridiculous to suppose these measures were to be limited to mere negociation, the utter inefficacy of which had been so often experienced. A child would spurn at the idea of “supporting the dignity of the United States" by negociation alone. This had already been found to be a very feeble resource, and might have been protracted for an age, without "asserting any of our rights." Their views were not so limited. No. War, war, war, must indubitably have been in their contemplation, should negociation have an unfavorable issue.

Can any man of common sense doubt, can any man of character, deny, that the merchants of Philadelphia calculated on WAR, when, after having suggested,

"That every measure not inconsistent with the honor and interests of the nation, by which the great objects of redress and security might be attained, should be first tried,"

they add,

"If such measures should prove ineffectual, whatever may be the sacrifice on their part, it will be met with submission."

When the merchants of Newburyport

"Rely with confidence on the FIRMNESS and JUSTICE of the governmeut, to obtain for them compensation and protection,"

they must have been insane, if they did not calculate upon WAR as the ultima ratio. These are the worthy citizens who stand recorded in the annals of their country, as having since patriotically pledged themselves to resist their own government, "EVEN UNTO BLOOD."

And who can pretend, that the merchants of Newhaven, when they called upon the government

"Firmly to resist every encroachment upon the rights of neutral nations," did not calculate upon war? And did they not most solemnly pledge themselves, when they tendered the

"Assurances of their disposition to give aid and support to EVERY MEAS URE calculated to accomplish this important object."

And when the New-York merchants declared their

"Reliance upon the government of their country that their rights would not be abandoned,

and that the crisis required

“ALL THE ENERGY, as well as the prudence and wisdom of the government," can there be found a man who will pretend that war was not calculated on, unless other means might be found to accomplish the end in view? It cannot be.

And can there be a more explicit pledge given, than is to be found at the close of their memorial

"We pledge our united support in favor of all the measures adopted to vindi cate and secure the just rights of our country."

I am credibly informed that there are subscribed to this memorial, names of persons who lately prayed fervently and openly, for the destruction of the armies of the United States invading Canada! This is most wonderfully consistent and patriotic.

But the merchants of Salem are more explicit on the subject of war than any of their mercantile brethren elsewhere. They leave no room for inference or supposition. They most unambiguously declare their views.

"If, however, conciliation cannot effect the purpose, and AN APPEAL TO ARMS be the last and necessary protection of honor, they feel no disposition to decline the common danger, or shrink from the common contribution."5

And was there ever, since the world was formed, a more solemn pledge given, than the one with which they close their memorial, and which I here repeat

Relying on the wisdom and firmness of the general government, in this behalf they feel no hesitation, to pledge their lives and properties in support of the measures which may be adopted to VINDICATE THE PUBLIC RIGHTS, AND REDRESS THE PUBLIC WRONGS."

In the next chapter, I shall investigate the question, how far these pledges were redeemed.

CHAPTER XVIII.

Character of merchants by Edmund Burke. Illiberal and unfound ed. Merchants as various in character as other classes of men. American merchants shrewd and intelligent. Most lamentably blinded by faction to their dearest interests. Example of England worthy of imitation. Struggles between ins and outs. All unite against the common enemy. American factions more deleterious than those in England.

EDMUND BURKE has left on record a most unfavorable character of merchants, which has been a thousand times quoted

to their disparagement. He has, if my memory do not deceive me, asserted, that they have no national attachments or pat riotism that their ledger is their Bible-and gold their God.

This character is unfounded and illiberal. All sweeping denunciations of entire classes are unjust. The merchants are as various in their characters as any other description of men. There are among them numbers of persons of the highest respectability--great patriotism—a high sense of honor-great liberality-and possessing all the other virtues that can adorn the human character. There are likewise some as base and vile as the others are excellent.

There is nothing in mercantile affairs or commerce, that has a tendency to deteriorate those who follow the profession. It is inconceivable how it should be otherwise. The large scale on which commerce is conducted, is rather calculated to expand than illiberalize the mind.

Moreover, a considerable portion of the merchants having enjoyed the advantages of the best education, must, from that circumstance alone, have a fair chance of not meriting the denunciation of Edmund Burke.

That the American merchants are, in general, shrewd, intelligent, and penetrating, cannot be denied. They are in these respects, at least on a level with the merchants of any other country.

It must, however, be acknowledged, that in the course they have steered from the commencement of the year 1806, when the preceding memorials were presented to Congress, till the declaration of war, and during its continuance, they have been as lamently blind to their own vital interests, and to the highest interests of their country, as if they were almost altogether deficient of the reasoning faculty. They have inflicted incalculable injury on both. Indeed, so intimately in this case were these interests connected, that both were, and must necessarily be, equally affected by the same wound. I hope to make this appear to their conviction, and that of the public.

The reader has seen that the mercantile part of the community felt the highest indignation in 1806, at the pretensions of England to limit the American trade in the colonial productions of her enemies; that they very strongly remonstrated with the government to resist those pretensions; and that they pledged themselves to their country and to the world, to support the government in whatever measures might be necessary to obtain redress—obviously, evidently, and undeniably contemplating even war with all its horrors. I propose to examine how far their practice corresponded with their professions and pledges.

The pacific measures adopted to effect the object of their de

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sires were—a prohibition of the importation of some of the most important of the manufactures of Great Britain-an embargo, when the injuries we experienced from that nation had vastly increased and non-intercourse.

Did the American merchants redeem their pledge? Did they preserve their faith? Did they support the government in all or any of these measures?

No. They indubitably did not. There is not a candid federalist from New-Hampshire to Georgia, that will assert, that the merchants, as a corps, supported the government in any one of these measures. I say distinctly, as a corps. There were illustrious exceptions.. But the fidelity of these exceptions in redeeming their pledge was unavailing.

The pledge was forfeited by the corps-completely forfeited. The clear, indisputable, and melancholy fact is, that after having impelled and goaded the government into measures to procure redress, they not merely withheld their support from those measures, but actually as far as depended on them, prevented their success. They hung hostilely on the skirts of the government, and defeated the embargo, non-intercourse, and all the other restrictive measures...

I have thus far considered the point as it respected their plighted faith, and the obligation they thereby incurred to support the government in measures which had arisen out of their memorials, remonstrances and solemn pledges.

I now enter on the consideration of their conduct, as it demonstrates an unparalleled blindness towards their own interests, and those of their country..

"Retaliation," in the was A MERE PRE

Whatever misjudging prejudice, or faction, devotion to Eng--land, or hostility to France may pretend, the solemn fact is, that the United States were most grievously outraged and injured by Great Britain. The violence or excesses of France, enormous, and iniquitous, and indefensible as they were, afforded Bo justification to those of her enemy. words of Mr. Bayard and Mr. Lloyd,* TENCE." If A rob me of my hat, it does not follow that B has a right to retaliate on HIM, by robbing ME of my coat or waistcoat. And still less, if A threaten to rob me, but has not, the power to do it, has B the right to retaliate on him by robbing France pretended to blockade England, and seize neutral vessels bound there-but was unable to effect her purpose through her destitution of naval power. England retaliated upon France by SEIZING OUR VESSELS bound to that country; and

me.

In a subsequent chapter, I shall quote the sentiments of these gentlemen at full length.