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"In the warmth and violence of a political contest, it rarely happens that ei ther party is entirely faultless. Imperfection, in a greater or less degree. is stamped on every thing human: and the individual, much more the party, who should claim an entire exemption from it, would betray the grossest ignorance.In times of turbulence, however, few are sufficiently elevated above the influence of party passion, to expose error, wherever found. The faults of a favorite party are too commonly passed over in silence, and those of the opposite, unreasonably magnified.

The author of the Olive Branch has taken a stand beyond the reach of party influence. The grovelling notions of the bar-room politician constitute no part of his political system. When, in his opinion, the republican administrations or the republican party have deserved censure, he has freely bestowed it work carries on its face the most convincing proof, not merely of strength of genius, and depth of research, but the most stern political integrity.”—Middlebury Patriot, May, 1815.

His

"There is perhaps no book extant, that in so small a compass contains so great a quantity of momentous political truth. Like the two edged sword, said to have been wielded by the angel of light against "Satan and his ange s," it dispels and puts to fight an army of error and falsehood.”—Weekly Register, vol. vii. page 371.

"The Olive Branch, or faults on both sides, federal and democratic, is no party publication: it contains a lucid examination of the faults of both P rties. and calls loudly for union in defence of our territory and the dearest interests of all. We have never seen a publication in this country that so justly merited the patronage of all. Federalists and republicans will both see their faults clearly t and commented on. We admire the independent spirit of the publi

poin though we do not subscribe to all the tenets, objects and recon men

cation.

dations contained in the Olive Brauch, yet we think such a publication particularly valuable, as it comprises in a succinct view a well arranged mass of public and political documents on the subjects which led to the war, particularly that of impressment, the orders in council, correspondence of Mr Erskine and Mr. Smith, previous to the war, and important correspondence between our public functionaries and those of the enemy since the war. Every man should possess this book, and read it carefully through without prejudice.- Boston Patriot.

"Before I proceed further, however, I must do justice to a writer so obviously disinterested, independent and patriotic, as the author of the Olive Branch, by saying that he has done ample justice to the character of Mr. Jefferson, in casting back upon his assailants the foul charges of French it fiuence and ermity to trade this he does in a manner that must bring conviction home to every bosom that possesses a single drop of the milk of human kindness; and let me add, that the justice thus done to that great and good man, will not be the less useful in coming forth in a volume which censures without fear, and praises without aduation."Aurora.

Extract of a letter from James Madison, esq. president of the U States. Washington, Jan. 28. 1815. "I have not been able as yet to do more than glance at the plan of the work, and run over a few of its pages. The course adopted of assembling authentic and striking facts, and addressing them impartially and independently, but with becoming emphasis, to the attention of the public, was best fitted to render it a valuable and seasonable service; and it appears that the success of your labor will well reward the laudable views with hich it was undertaken.”

Extract of a letter from Thomas Jefferson, esq. ex president of the U States. Monticello, Feb 9, 18-5.

"I thank you for the copy of the Olive Branch you have been so kind as to send me Many extracts from it which I had seen in the new spapers, had ex it ad a wish to procure it. A cursory view over the work has confirmed the option excited by the extracts, that it will do great good."

THE

OR,

FAULTS ON BOTH SIDES,

FEDERAL AND DEMOCRATIC.

A SERIOUS APPEAL ON THE NECESSITY

OF

MUTUAL FORGIVENESS AND HARMONY.
atthew

BY M. CAREY.

A

SEVENTH EDITION, ENLARGED.

"Faction is the madness of the many for the benefit of the few." "Frenzied be the head....palsied be the hand....that attempts to destroy the union." Gen. Eaton.

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"Truths would you teach....or save a sinking land:
"All fear....none aid you....and few understand." Pope,

· Every kingdom divided against itself is brought to DESOLATION.“
Matt. xii. 25.

"In dissensione nulla salus conspicitur." Cæsar.

"If we pay a proper regard to truth, we shall find it necessary not only to condemn our friends upon some occasions, and commend our enemies, but also to commend and condemn the same persons, as different circumstances may require: for as it is not to be imagined, that those who are engaged in great affairs, should always be pursuing false or misJaken measures, so neither is it probable that their conduct can at all times be exempt from error." Polybius.

"Neither the law of Christianity nor of Reason requires us to prostrale our national independence, freedom, property and honor at the feet of proud, tyrannical oppressors." Address of Rev., Dr. David Osgood, May, 1798.

"Watch those ungrateful souls who murmur about taxation and oppression-the burdens of government and religion. They have fellowship with our enemies. They are traitors to God and Christianity." Address by the Rev. Dr. Elijah Parish, July 4, 1799.

"As citizens, we ought with one heart to cleave to and support our own. government. It is a government of our own forming, and administered by men of our own choice." Sermon by Rev. Jedidiah Morse, May 9, 1798

MIDDLEBURY, Vr.

PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY WILLIAM SLADE, JUN.

checked

January, 1816,

May 1913

Extract from gov. Strong's speech, 17th Jan. 1806.

“Changes in the constitution of government are more injurious than in the system of laws: even a small innovation may destroy its principles. The framers of the constitution had before them not only the forms which had been preferred by the several states, but those also which before that time had been devised in other ages and nations. And though the repeated experiments which have since taken place in Europe, may suggest matter for warning, they afford nothing for imitation. If, notwithstanding, it is found by experience, that the constitution operates very unequally, or the construction of any part is doubtful, amendments may be necessary to alter or explain it. But it is in vain to expect that all will be satisfied. Free governments admit of an endless variety of modifications; and the opinions entertained of their respective merits are equally various. When the constitution was established, perhaps no man that became subject to it was perfectly pleased with every part. It was the result of mutual concession-and such indeed must always be the case when a form of government is voluntarily accepted by a community

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In the minds of some men there seems to be a restlessness which renders them dissatisfied with any uniform course of things, and makes them eager in the pursuit of novelty. They abound in projects, and are ever meditating some fan. ciful change in the plan of government, which their imaginations represent as useful. But men of great ambition are still more dangerous; they commonly make the fairest pretences to principles, though they are actuated only by self-interest.— If the constitution or laws of their country present obstacles to the accomplishment of their wishes, they employ every artifice to alter or abolish them; and if individuals oppose their altempts, they are equally artful and solicitous to destroy their influence and render them odious to their fellow-citizens.

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Few men, even in a prosperous community, are fully satisfied with their condition. A great part are easily induced to believe, that there is something wrong in the government or laws, which might be rectified to their advantage.They therefore readily embrace any specious proposal to effect an alteration. The crafty and ambitious know how to avail themselves of this disposition to change, and encourage their followers to expect that the amendments they propose will perfectly suit their case, and produce the very blessings they wish: in this way they not only effect their immediate object, but acquire an influence which enables them afterwards to accomplish the inost disastrous innovations. Such persons encourage hopes that can never be realised, and excite complaints which the most wise and benevolent administration is unable to remove.

"Our forms of government are doubtless like all other human institutions, imperfect; but they will insure the blessings of freedom to the citizens, and preserve their tranquility as long as they are virtuous; and no constitution that has been or can be formed will secure those blessings to a depraved and vicious people."

Extract from the answer of the Massachusetts senate to the governor's speech of

17th Jan. 1806.

แ We shall look with a still more cautious eye upon every innovation at. tempted to be made upon our national constitution. The integrity, experience. and extensive information discovered by the illustrious characters who framed that valuable instrument and the series of public prosperity enjoyed under it, intitle it to our highest veneration, its excellence appears with still greater lustre, when compared with the ephemeral constitutions of many nations which have Bitted across the the eye in rapid succession, and then sunk into total oblivion.We are not insensible that our form of government must be imperfect, as was the nature of its authors: but we recollect, at the same time, that any proposed alteration under the name of amendment is liable to the same imperfection.

"Believing therefore that the principles of the constitution are as well adjusted as human infirmity will permit, and that a small innovation may essentially pervert its original tendency, we sharexert ourselves to preserve it in its present form, excdpisaster operation shall be found extremely unequal and oppressivBLIC LIBRARY

151025

ASTOR, LENOX AND
TILDEN FOUNDATIONS.

1899.

(AS A MARK OF GRATITUDE FOR

INESTIMABLE ELESSINGS ENJOYED, IN

LIBERTY OF PERSON, LIBERTY OF PROPERTY, AND LIBERTY OF OPINIONS,

TO A DEGREE NEVER EXCEEDED IN THE WORLD,);

18 RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED

TO A BELOVED BUT BLEEDING COUNTRY,

TORN IN PIECES

BY

FACTIOUS, DESPERATE, CONVULSIVE, AND RUINOUS
STRUGGLES FOR POWER..

IT IS LIKEWISE DEDICATED TO THOSE

MILLIONS OF HUMAN BEINGS,

WHO NEITHER HOLD NOR SEEK OFFICE,

BUT WHO ARE MADE THE INSTRUMENTS OF THOSE

WHO DO SEEK THEM:

AND WHO, WHILE A FOREIGN ENEMY PRESSES

AT THEIR DOORS,

ARE ENFEEBLED AND KEPT FROM UNION,

TO GRATIFY THE AMBITION OF

A FEW MEN,

(NOT ONE IN FIVE THOUSAND OF THE WHOLE COMMUNITY) WHO HAVE BROUGHT

TO THE VERY VERGE OF DESTRUCTION,

THE FAIREST PROSPECT

THAT EVER SHONE ON ANY NATION.

Nov. 8, 1814.

A&

BY THE AUTHOR

INTO A COMMUNITY, WHICH DRUGGED INTO

A DEATH-LIKE STUPOR,

WITH UNPARALLELED APATHY BEHOLDS

THE

PILLARS OF THE GOVERNMENT TEARING AWAY-
PROPERTY SINKING IN VALUE-

THE COUNTRY

PROSTRATE AT THE FEET OF A RUTHLESS FOE,
ANARCHY RAPIDLY APPROACHING,

A NUMBER OF AMBITIOUS LEADERS, REGARDLESS

OF THE

COMMON DANGER,

STRUGGLING TO SEIZE UPON THE GOVERNMENT,

AND

APPARENTLY DETERMINED THE COUNTRY SHALL GO TO

PERDITION,

UNLESS THEY CAN POSSESS THEMSELVES OF POWER;

AND, WITH THIS VIEW, OPPOSING AND DEFEATING
EVERY MEASURE,

CALCULATED TO INSURE OUR SALVATION.

APPEAL TO THE PATRIOTISM,

THE HONOUR, THE FEELING, THE SELF-INTEREST OF YOUR

READERS,

TO SAVE A NOBLE NATION FROM RUIN.

Philada. Jan. 4, 1815.

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