ment, or display their regards for France, even in conversation. They were ordered to lower their tone”- -or threatened with being "sent to their master.” Of the style of these denunciations and threa's, I annex a fair and full specimen, from the Gazette of the United States, October 22, 1808.

"If the news this day received of an actual declaration of war by Bonaparte, should prove true, the traitorous emissaries of Napoleon, who every where abound in the country, will find it necessary to lower their tone. What can be tolerated in time of peace. THE PEOPLE WILL NOT BEAR IN TIME OF WAR. must either go to their master, or

The advocates of French despotism be more cautious in their language. is true that France has. to all intents and purposes, been making war upon us these twelve months. But as it has not been declared in form, and as our government have not thought proper to make any opposition, the papers of Napoleon, and his agents of every description, have hitherto been suffered to carry on their intrigues, and to promote the cause of their master by every means which they chose to adopt. WE MUST NOW CORRECT THE PROCEDURE."

One other newspaper specimen, of an earlier period, from the Baltimore Federal Gazette, July 5, 1798—

"I believe, that some of the old French leaven still remains amongst us, and that some vile and degenerate wretches, whom I call French partizans, or American jacobins, will not join any military association, or patriotic loan but discourage them as far as they dare. These men should be carefully WATCHED: and if they should artfully attempt to form any military corps (and they will be known by the character of their officers and privates) notice should be given to our federal and state GOVERNMENTS, to prevent commissions issuing from want of information”

This is, I presume, enough of this description.

I now proceed to detail the sentiments of three clergymen, who have rendered themselves conspicuous by their rancorous hostility to the administrations of Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison- -the Rev. Jedidiah Morse, the Rev. David Osgood, and the Rev. Elijah Parish. I have no recent sermon of Dr. Morse's: But of the anti-christian spirit that predominates in the late sermons of the two latter gentlemen, I have given abundant proofs and specimens in the 56th chapter of this work. Let us examine what were their sentiments when the administration was in the hands of their own party. Never was there a stronger contrast.

And first, of Dr. Parish. This reverend gentleman delivered an address, on the 4th of July, 1799, which breathes in every page the most devoted submission to rulers, the most decided support of their measures, and the most virulent fulminations against the opposers of the government. Its spirit may be readily conceived from the following short specimen :~~

"It is a time of day that requires cautious jealousy. Not jealousy of your magistrates, for you have given them your confidence; but of those who slander their ministration. To be jealous of your rulers would be, as if a person were to choose a bride from all the beauties of the world, and then instantly without cause be jealous of her alone. YOUR PUBLIC CHARACTERS ARE YOUR OWN CHOICE. Watch those ungrateful souls, who murmur about taxation and oppression, the burdens of government and religion. They have fellowship with our enemies-they are traitors to God and christianity. Be jealous of those who declaim against alien and sedition laws; they probably have a hankering for lying and rebellion themselves. In a word, let honest men, let the friends of God and humanity, spurn from their embrace every man who trifles with his father's religion, the hope and salvation of the world, who alarms weak minds with the designs of government; who discourages most formidable means of defence. It was the sword which gave courage to declare independence. Such is the present state of human nature, that othing but the sword can defend our independence. Never, never while there is a crimson drop in your hearts will you suffer an armed foe to breathe your native air. CURSED BE HE THAT KEEPETH BACK HIS SWORD FROM BLOOD. LET HIM THAT HATH NONE, SELL HIS COAT AND BUY ONE. THE CONTEST IS DESIRABLE."

How shall we account for this ravenous thirst for blood-this invocation of the sword-this elaborate defence of the constituted authorities-how reconcile it with the pacific spirit, the denunciations of war, and the malignant abuse of the administration which are to be found in chapter 56? There is only one conceivable reason-and that is, when blood was called for, it was French blood-French blood-French blood that was to flow.

Next I exhibit the Rev. Dr. Osgood. A convention of congregational ministers agreed to an address to President Adams, in May, 1798, which was signed by that gentleman among I annex a short extract :

others.

"We remember Christ's command to forgive and love our most injurious enemies. But neither the law of Christianity nor of reason requires us to pros trate our national independence, freedom, property and honour at the feet of proud insatiable oppressors. Such a prostration would be treason against that Being who gave us our inestimable privileges, civil and religious, as a sacred de posit, to be defended and transmitted to posterity It would be criminal unfaithfulness and treachery to our country, our children, and the whole human race.

"The intimate connexion between our civil and christian blessings is alone sufficient to justify the decided part which the clergy of America have uniformly taken in supporting the constituted authorities and political interests of their country."

Next follows the Rev. Jedidiah Morse, whose eloquence and sound reasoning "in olden time," caunot fail to excite the approbation of the reader. The following extracts are from a sermon delivered by this reverend gentleman, May 9, 1798.

NA

"Our newspapers teem with slander and pesonal invective and abuse. Our rulers, grown grey, many of them, in the service of their country; who, in the various dignified and responsible offices they have filled, have discharged their duties with great ability and incorruptible integrity, are yet stigmatized continually, as unfriendly to the rights and liberties of the people, and one true interests of their country. Our government itself, the most perfect, the best administered, the least burdensome, and most happyfying to the people, of any on earth, is yet steadily opposed in all its important measures; and regular and continual efforts are made to "stop its wheels."

"As citizens we ought with one heart to cleave to, and support, our own government. It is a government of our own toning, and achinistered by men of ou own choice; and therefore claims our confidence and support. We ought o repel, with indignation every suggestion and slanderous insinuation, calculated to weaken a just confidence in the rectitude of the intentions of our consututed authorities. All such insinuations, at this critical period, proceed from an influence hostile to our peace; and, if permitted to have their intended effect, MAY ACCOMPLISH THE PURPOSES OF OUR ENEMIES. IN OUR DIVISION, AND THE OVERTHROW OF OUR GOVERNMENT. While, on the one hand, we would avoid passive obedience and non-resistance let us not vibrate into the other extreme, and believe it a duty to be jealous and suspicious of every thing which is done by our rulers We thought them houest men, and friends to their country, when we elected them into office; and what have they since done to forfeit our good opinion? Let their measures be examined with candour, and we shall assuredly say, they deserve well of their country. In this moment of our political danger, let us be impressed with this truth-that"United we stand-divided we fall." The increasing union among us, and the revival and expression of the true American spirit, are tokens for good, and augur well in regard to our political interests.

"To the unfriendly disposition and conduct of a foreign power, we may ascribe the unhappy divisions that have existed among us, which have so greatly disturb ed our peace, and threatened the overthrow of our government. Their maxim, to which they have strictly and steadily adhered, has been. “Divide and govern" Their too great influence among us has been exerted vigorously, and in conformity to a deep laid plan, in cherishing party spirit, in vilifying the men we have, by our free suffrages, elected to administer our constitution; and have thus endeavored to de troy the confidence of the people in the constituted authorities, and divide them from the government

A comparison of these doctrines with the doctrines and practice of the Rev. Messrs. Osgood and Parish in 1812, 1813, and 1814, as exhibited chap. 56, must excite the most painful sensations in the mind of every man who feels for the honor of his species. It is impossible for the human mind to conceive of a more striking contrast-a more deplorable instance of infatuation and delusion-or a more awful memorial of, and me. mento against, human weakness.

From the pulpit, I descend to the civil walk-and sul mit the opinion of Governor Gilman in 1798, in an address to the legis lature, and the echo from both houses.

From Governor Gilman's Speech to the Legislature of New Hampshire. "Perfection in human affairs is not to be expected to satisfy every citizen is next to impossible. but if our system of national government is generally good; if it is free; if we have the choice as frequently as we wish, of persons to administer it; if one of the fundamental and irreversible principles in a republic ov ernment, is, that a majority shall govern, is it not proper to give

firm support to the laws and administration of such a government, and for every citizen duly to consider how far CLAMOR AND OPPOSITION THERETO HAS INVITED OR PROCURED, OR MAY INVITE OR PROCURE, INJURIES FROM ANY FOREIGN NATION ?"

Extract from the answer of the Senate to the above.

"Convinced that our national government is formed on the surest basis of lib. erty; that the majority ought to rule; that we have an opportunity, as often as we can wish change and elect our rulers, we view it as the palladium of our rights, and entitied to our firmest support.

Although jealousy is a lively trait in a political character, yet when very scrupulously exercised towards the administrators of government, it may tend to lessen the confidence of a people in their rulers-and we view with regret and indignation the faction that clamours for the destruction of our peace and government, and conceive its only source to be the dregs of successive foreign anarchy, operating on the weak and vicious."

Extract from the answer of the House.

"As the constitution of the government was framed by the wisest and best men, was adopted after a candid discussion, and upon mature deliberation, without violence or tumult, it belongs to us to repose proper confidence in the officers of our own choice, and willingly afford effective aid to that government which we have instituted for the common good. The beneficial effects of the constitution of the United States have been generally felt, and acknowledged to be far greater than was at first expected. A spirit of inquiry into the principles of a government and the mode of its adminittration pertains to a free peeople: But

when that spirit becomes intemperate, and its esigns are TO PROMOTE OPPOSITION, O DIVIDE AND WEAKEN THE GOVERNMENT, IT MAY EMBOLDEN FOREIGN POWERS TO INVADE OUR RIGHTS, and embarrass the measures necessary to obtain redress. Wherever such a restless, uneasy temper appears, we will lend our firmest aid to discourage and correct it."

I might extend the subject very far. But I trust I have "made out my case," completely, and that it would be extreme supererogation to enter into any further detail.*

CHAPTER LXXIII.

View of the prosperity of the United States, during the various administrations. Mighty errors prevalent on this topic.

A VERY large portion of our citizens have imbibed a deep and rooted impression, that from the period when the administration of the general government was withdrawn from the hands of the federalists, and placed in those of their political opponents, the prosperity of the nation began rapidly to decay.

*Some of the extracts in this chapter and in the 56th, are taken from an excellent little pamphlet, published in New-Hampshire, and entitled, "An address to the clergy of New-England, on their opposition to the rulers of the United States. By a Layman.

They believe that during the presidency of General Washington and of Mr. Adams, particularly the former, our political and commercial sun had ascended to its meridian height; that even previous to the embargo and restrictive system generally, it had, under the administration of Mr. Jefferson, descended towards the horizon; that those measures sunk it far below, whence it is never to rise, till the powers of the general government, legislative and executive, are restored to the “genuine sons of Washington"-nurtured in his bosom-formed in his school--imbued with his maxims-and determined to tread in his footsteps, and to follow his illustrious example.

The universal prevalence of these opinions among the feder alists of this country, will hardly be controverted. 1 doubt whether there is a man among them, from the highest grade of intellect down to the opposite extreme, who does not regard it as impertinence and presumption to call them in question. And the prevalence of the impression is not wonderful. The assertions have been so often repeated, with so much confidence, and in so many shapes and forms, that it was not in human nature for the federalists to withhold assent. It is a well known property of mankind to lend an easy assent to those opinions that flatter our vanity, offer incense to our pride, tend to promote our interests, or to gratify our ambition.

The prevalence of these opinions has produced most deleterious consequences. It has embittered fellow-citizens against each other with the most virulent animosity. The federalists, persuaded that their antagonists have impaired the honor, and happiness, and prosperity of our common country, have regarded them with sentiments of rancour, and hatred, and disgust. And if their views of the case were correct, their opponents would be fit objects of those hostile feelings. It would be laudable to strain every nerve to expel from power men whose whole course had proved them unworthy of it. The angry passions raging on one side, enkindle their likeness in the breasts of their opponents, who are deeply exasperated at the injustice they believe themselves to have experienced from their adversaries. This is perfectly natural. And time, which in all common cases possesses the property of diminishing the force of passion, is unfortunately deprived of this salutary power, by the zeal and activity of those who find an interest in fomenting public discord. And that there are many of our citizens of this description, possessed of great talents, great industry, and great influence, cannot be denied.

1