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Chap:

Page.
i Crisis of affairs of the U. States. Dangers of parties and factions. 29
2. Errors of the democratic party. Constitution. Navy Alien law. 39

3. Monroe's treaty. Separation of the states. Embargo. Non-inter-

course.

42

4. Impolicy of a non renewal of the charter of the bank of the l'. States 52

5. Armistice proposed by admiral Warren

54

6. Appointment of Mr Gallatin. Gottenburg Preparations for defence. 58

7. Genera's Wilkinson and Hamptou Proceedings of congress. Lament-

able torpor, delay, and procrastination.

63

8. Capture of Washington Mismanagemeot. Captaio Dyson. Loans.

injury to public credit. General Izard.

69

9. Federalists. "Federal convention. Disorganizers and jacobins.

78

10. Orders in council. Rule of 1756. Mercautile clamor.

82

11. Boston memorial. Strong call for protection

12 Newyork nemorial Solemn pledge of support.

89

13 Extracts from Philadelphia mercantile nenorial,

91

14 Extract from Baltimore memorial.

93

15. Newhaven memorial. Decisive call for resistance. Newburyport me-

morial

96

16 Salem memorial Solemo pledge of support in the event of war. 93

17: Reflections on the memorials tniso in call for redress

101

18 Character of merchants, by E Bu ke. Illiberal and untounded. 103

19. British depredations broughi ou the tapis, in the senate of the U. States.

Ambassadors extraordinary to Eogland.

109

20 Attack on the Chesapeake. interdictory proclamation

111

24. Blockade of the coast from the Eibe io Prest Berlin decree.

120

22. Orders in council of November 11 1307 Milan decrees

122

23. Orders in council defended by Americans. Bariog's inguiry.

127

24. Embargo, a wise, prudent and necessary measure.

factious clamor.

Situation of American commerce.

13;

25. Inquiry into the constitutionality of the euforcing act. Lamentable pub-

lic delusion.

26. Patriotic proceedivge.

149

27. John Heory's mission to the eastern states. Instructions from the gor-

ernor general of British America.

152

28. Embargo repealed. British and French vessels interdicted our harhors.

Importations from hoth countries prolibited.

168,

29. Embargo recommended to congress by a respetable body of Newyork

merchants

170

30. Erskine arrangement. Liberal and inagr 100s. Loudly applaud d.

Rejected by England.

172

31. Impresszent of American seamen. Plea of James M dison. Of Wm.

Cobbet Of Weekly Register.

192

32. Impressmeot during Gen-ral Washington's administration.

197

33. luppressment during Mr. Adams' administration, Judge Marslial's in-

structions.

199

31. Mr. Liston's project for a convention for the delivery of deserters. Oh.

jected to by Messrs. Pickering, Stoddard, Wolcott, and N'Henry.

Rejected.

206

35. Horrors of impressment, as submitted to congress by Timothy Pickering,

esq. secretary of state.

208

36. Impressment during the administration of Mr. Jfierson. Letter from

Rufus King. Arrangement with lord St. Vincent rejected by Mr.

King.

210

37. Documents on impressment continued.

219

38. Subject of impressment concluded.

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39. Egregious error committed by the author of the Olive Branch. Ample

preparations made for war

229

40. Reproaches of the minority against the majority for their imbecility.

British deceived by their friends.

233

41. War proceedings in congress. Yeas and nays. Inexplicable conduct of

Mr. Quincy and his friends.

236

42. Declaration of war. Violently opposed

241

43. Peace party. Composed of warlike materials. Repeated clamor for war. 243

44. Inquiry into the justice of the war. Awful accusations against the gov-

ernment.

249

45. Considerations of the orders in council. Reprobated by James A. Ray-

ard, Harrison G. Otis, and James Lloyd.

256

46. luquiry continued Warranted on the ground of impressment alone, ac-

cording to the doctrine of James Lloyd.

265

47. Turbulence of Boston. Jealousy and discord sedulously excited. Yan-

keeism. Moral and religious people

268

48. Arrogance of the claims of the eastern states on the subject of commerce.

Statistical tables.

276

49. Comparisons of the exports of the different states, foreign and domestic,

from 1791 to 1813 Glance at tonnage.

286

50. Duties on imports. Southern states pay nearly as much as the eastern.

Wonderful delusion,

293

51. No hostility in soutbern states towards the eastern. Commercial and

agricultral states mutually dependent on each other,

298

52. Money the sinews of war Associations to prevent the success of the

loans. Efforts to bankrupt the government.

305

53. Sinuggling carried to great excess in Boston Specie abundant. Oppres-

sive drafts on Newyork. Treasonable intercourse with Canada, 313

54. Subject continued. Brief Statement of facts.

321

15. Massachusetts compared with Tennessee. Blind leading the blind. Pro-

fits of trade fifty per cent. Road to ruin.

323

56. Pulpit politics. Prostitution of the sacred functions. Anthology of Se-

dition,

327

57. Parties change names and character. Jacobins. Unholy struggle for

power cause of all our difficulties.

334

58. Hliberality of prejudices against foreigners. Ungrateful on the part of

America.

337

59, Address to the federalists of the U States. 344. Postscript. 350. Ap-

pendix.

351

60. Orders in council. Restrictive system. Impolicy of the British ministry. 353

61. England said to be struggling for her existence. This uo palliation of

her outrages on neutral nations

366

62. Senatorial representation examined. Factious delusion. Statistics. 371

63. Statistics continued. Slave representation fairly stated.

374

64. Inquiry into the charge against the southern states of destroying com,

merce to promote manufacture

382

65. Militia defence. Classification system rejected.

383

66. Right of society to coerce and duty of citizens to afford military ser-

vice, recognised by the constitution and laws.

386

67. Power of congress to call out the militia Usua? mode of drafting op-

pressive, unequal, and uniu-t.

393

68. Inefficiency of militia generally. Extravagantly expensive.

397

69. Classification of militia a measure of the revolution. Borrowed by Bo-

naparte. General Knox's plan

408

70. Gerrymanderism. Grand discovery to enable a minority to rule the

majority.

413

21. State of representation in Massachusetts.

418

72. Wonderful contrast. Invocation to war.

422

73. Prosperity of the U States during the different abministrations. 427

74. Miscellaneous observations.

THE

OLIVE BRANCH, &c.

, .

CHAPTER I.

Crisis of the affairs of the United States. Dangers of parties and factions. Similarity of our situation to that of France, Italy and England, previous to their civil wars. To excite insurrection easy. To allay it difficult. Dangerous tendency of inflammatory publications.

THE situation of the United States was in the fall of 1814 highly critical. · Party and faction, the bane and destruction of all the old republics,* were carried to such ex. travagant lengths, as to endanger the public tranquillity and perhaps lead to civil war, the greatest scourge that ever afflicted mankind. Unceasing efforts were used to excite our citizens to open resistance of the government.t This principally took place in the eastern states; but there was hardly a portion of the union, in which there were not persons constantly employed in inflaming the public mind, and

* An idea has been propagated by superficial writers, and pretty universal. ly believed by superficial readers, that party and faction are peculiar to republics. Never was there a greater error. There is hardly a body of men, how small or insignificant soever, that is not disturbed more or less by party and faction. Within the last ten years, one-half.at least, of the Religious Congregations in Philadelphia, have been distracted by discord and faction, which in more instances than one, have been carried to the extreme length of absolate separation. And, to mount higher, who can forget the violent factions at the commencement of the reign of George III. when England was on the vesy verge of insurrection-and let me add the religious crusade of Lord George Gordon, which was the offspring of faction, and terminated in enhindling thirty-six fires at onee in London-of which city the icob had undisturbed possesfica for several days. All the felong, and other tenants of the prisons had their chaias knocked off, and were let loose once more to prey on the public. The enumeration were endless. Let this slight sketch suffice. These topics will be fully discussed in specific chapters at the close of this

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preparing it for commotions. * Thousands and tens of thousands of citizens, upright, honest, and honorable in private life, were so deluded by the madness of party as to believe, that the defeat, the disgrace, and the disasters of our armiest-the destruction of the public credit*--(as leading to the expulsion from their stations of the highest public functionaries du ly chosen by the people) were all “a consummation devoutly to be wished”-and the certain means of procuring a 9peedy and an honorable peace, which we could not fail to obtain from the magnanimity of Great Britain, provided we removed those public officers, whom, according to them, she had so much reason to execrate.

It was in vain that the uniform voice of history proclaimed that the generosity of nations towards each other is a nonentity; that the terms of a treaty are more or less favorable or injurious in proportion to the relative strength, and energy, and means of annoyance or defence, of the parties; that powerful nations have almost always taken advantage of the feebleness of their adversaries; and that the certain road to a -speedy and an honourable peace has ever been to wage war with the utmost decision and effect.

Were history wholly silent on this topic, the inherent propensities of human nature, properly explored, might satisfy every rational mind of the soundness of these political maxims. They are fair deductions of reason and common sense, to which the universal experience of mankind bears testimony. Every nation, in its periods of debility, has been obliged occasionally to submit to injustice. Every nation, possessing the power to do injustice, has more or less availed itself of the opportunity.

* See second Note, at the bottom of the preceeding page. + To some of my readers this will scem impossible.

It certainly appears incredible. But there are many things very incredible, that are nevertheless true. And it is capable of the most complete judicial proof, that gentlemen highly estimable in private life, have thanked God most fervently for the disgraceful capture of our armies. Others have prayed to God that every one of our soldiers wbo entered Canada, might be slaughtered. This is one of the many strange and unaccountable instances in which our history is utterly unlike the histories of the other nations of the earth. It is really a sui generis, I feel pretty confident that no man of character or worth in England or France, ever rejoices at the disgrace or disasters of his country. But I blush to tell it, the disgrace of our armies has been repeatedly a subject of as much exultation in our coffee houses and our newspapers, as in the city of London. I could name individuals of the utmost worth in all the social relations, except that which they bear to their country, whose satisfaction at the distresses and enbarrassments of our government has at least equalled that of lord Castle rtagt.

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