CHAPTER VIII. Mir Cossim's Endeavours to shake off the India Company's yoke-Military operations which effected the entire Conquest of Bengal-Appointment and Departure of a select Committee for Bengal-Treaty concluded by Lord Clive with the Nabob of Oude-Violent Proceedings against the Stamp Act in North America-Debutes and proceedings in England as to right of taxing the Colonies-Causes of a sudden Change in the ministry. D URING the painful suspense which the people of England must have felt with regard to the effects of the stamp act in America, and while the most enlightened patriots saw with concern some heavy clouds collecting over the western hemisphere, a brighter prospect presented itself in the east, where the affairs of the India company were said to go on in a brilliant career of success. MIR COSSIM'S ATTEMPT AGAINST THE IN some former remarks on the occurrences of the year 1761, it was observed that Mir Cossim, the subah of Bengal, who had been enabled by the assistance of the English to check Sha Zaddah's progress, was influenced by private motives to treat the conquered prince with extraordinary respect. Mir Cossim, though indebted to the English for the acquisition of the subahship in the first instance (1), and for the secure possession of it afterwards, conceived the design of freeing himself from what he thought the chains of ruinous and dishonourable dependence. Instead, therefore, of imposing hard terms on the Mogul prince, he strove to secure his friendship, of which he foresaw the value as soon as he should be prepared to avow his intentions. But these he artfully concealed for some time, and even continued to avail himself of the power of the English, whilst he found it serviceable to him. By their means he cleared his government of invaders, and strengthened his frontiers: he reduced the rajahs or independent Indian chiefs, who had rebelled during the feeble administration of his predecessor; and by compelling them to pay the usual tribute, repaired his exhausted finances, and thus secured the discipline and fidelity of his troops. Peace and order being restored to his province, his next step was to remove his court from Murshudabad, the vicinity of which to Calcutta gave the factory an opportunity of watching his conduct too narrowly, and of crushing all his efforts on the first suspicion. He moved two hundred miles higher up the Ganges, and fixed his residence at Mongheer, which he fortified as strongly and expeditiously as he could. Here he began to form his army on a new model. He drew together all the Persians, Tartars, Armenians, and other soldiers of fortune, whose military spirit he wished to infuse into his Indian forces, and whose example might, he hoped, teach them to overcome their natural timidity. Sensible of the superiority of European discipline, he neglected nothing to acquire it. Every wandering Frenchman, every seapoy who had been dismissed from the English service, he carefully picked up, and distributed amongst his troops, in order to train them to the most perfect exercise. He changed the fashion of the Indian muskets from matchlocks to firelocks; and because his cannon was nearly as defective as his small arms, he procured from the English a pattern of one, on which he formed an excellent train of artillery. Attentive to his army, he was not forgetful of his court, the treachery and factious dissentions of which had hitherto been more fatal to the Indian princes than the feebleness of their arms. He, therefore, cut off without remorse or threw into prison, every considerable person in his dominions, who had shown any attachment to the English. Thus strengthened by every measure, which a subtle and enterprising man, unchecked by conscience, could take, he began to exert that authority, which he thought so firmly and so justly established. His revenue, though on a much better footing than that of bis predecessor, still fell very short of its ancient limits. The free trade, which his own and his father-in-law's necessities had extorted in favour of the company's servants, threatened to annihilate his customs, as it diverted all the domestic and foreign commerce of Bengal into a channel from which he could derive no benefit. To remedy this evil, he subjected all the English private traders to the regular and equal payment of duties throughout his dominions; and issued an order, that their disputes, if they happened in his territories, should be decided by his magistrates. The English factory took the alarm. Mr. Vansit. tart, the governor, went in the latter end of the year 1762, to Mongheer, in order to expostulate with the subah, who answered his remonstrances with a command of temper equal to the force of his reasoning. "If," said he, "the servants of the company were permitted, as they now desire, to trade custom-free in all parts, and in all commodities, they must of course draw all trade into their own hands; and my customs would be of so little value, that it would be more for my interest to lay trade entirely open, and to collect no duties upon any kind of merchandise. This would invite numbers of merchants into the country, and increase my revenues by encouraging the cultivation and manufacture of goods for sale, at the same time that it would cut off the principal source of our quarrels, an object, which I have more than any other at heart." The truth of these remarks could not be controverted; but Mir Cossim's conduct was still a direct violation of the treaty, or bargain he made with the company's servants on his obtaining the subahship, by which they were entitled to the privileges in question. The matter, however, was evidently in his power, unless a war prevented him. The governor, though long accustomed to dictate on such occasions, submitted to certain reguations, which, if not unreasonable, were very unpleasing. These were instantly put in execution; and the Indian magistrates began to exercise their power with a proper spirit, as they said, but, as the English traders complained, with partiality and rigour. As soon as the effect of the negotiation was made known at Calcutta, it threw the factory into a flame. They were filled with indignation and astonishment, at finding, that an Asiatic prince, created by themselves, had dared to assert his independency. They began to repent of their late change, and to wish that they had left the timid and indolent Mir Jaffier to slumber quietly on his throne. The council disavowed the proceedings of the governor; sent orders to all the factories, forbidding them to submit to any of the proposed restrictions; and solicited Cossim to enter into a new agreement. But now grown confident of his strength, he charged them with inconstancy and insolence, and refused to negotiate with their deputies. The English factory, yielding in nothing to his spirit,' prepared to draw their army into the field, and once more proclaimed Mir Jaffier subah of Bengal. troops had not time to be completed in their new exercise. The English were also in the career of victory, and nothing could stand before them. Yet In this war, the first blow was struck by the Eng- they found a sensible difference in the opposition lish. At Patna, a great commercial city, three hun- they now met with, though it was not able fully to dred miles up the Ganges, they had a fortified fac obstruct their progress. Ten days after their late tory, and some European as well as Indian soldiers. victory, they found twenty thousand horse, and These suddenly attacked the town on the twenty-eight thousand foot, excellently posted on the banks fifth of June 1763, and made themselves masters of of the Nuncas Nullas, well defended by a formidait without much difficulty, notwithstanding its forti- ble train of artillery, divided into regular brigades, fications had been newly repaired, and that it was armed and clothed like Europeans, and in every defended by a strong garrison. The Indian gov-respect displaying the same order and spirit as ernor and his troops fled at the first assault into the themselves. What was never before observed in country; but being reinforced, he returned in a few India, the enemy did not discharge a cannon, till hours to Patna, and surprised the English, who had the English began the attack. A constant fire was neglected every precaution, and were wildly dis- kept up on both sides for the space of four hours, persed on every side, wasting and plundering that during which time the Indian cavalry charged the opulent and feeble city. Many of them were cut European regulars, at the distance of twenty yards, to pieces, the rest took refuge in the fort. But even with uncommon resolution. But in spite of all the this they soon abandoned, so spiritless did they be- efforts of their improved discipline and courage, they come in consequence of the unexpected turn of were at length compelled to fly, with the loss of their affairs. Crossing the Ganges, they marched all their artillery. for three days without interruption; but were at length overtaken by a superior force. In the first engagement fortune proved favourable; in the second they were entirely routed, and shared that fate which might naturally be expected from so rash and precipitate a resolution. At a distance from all succour, and in the heart of the enemy's country, they had no safety to hope for, but from the defence of their factory, where they might have maintained themselves for a long time, the Indians being very mexpert in the art of reducing fortified places. Though the deputies, sent to Mongheer, had the nabob's pass, and ought to have been by the law of nations sacred, they were attacked in their return, and miserably slaughtered with their attendants. This act of barbarity hastened the march of the army under major Adams, who, at first, had only one royal regiment, a few of the company's forces, two troops of European cavalry, ten companies of seapoys, and twelve pieces of cannon. With these he proved victorious in several brisk skirmishes, and cleared the country as far as the Cossimbuzar, a branch of the Ganges, which it was necessary to pass, before any attempt could be made on Murshudabad, the capital of the province. The enemy did not oppose his passage; but had drawn out their army, consisting of ten thousand men, in an advantageous post at a place called Ballasara, between the river and the city. By a judicious movement, he obliged them to begin the action, which they did with great spirit, and bore the cannonade very firmly; but, at the distance of fifty yards, they received such a storm of musketry, as made them retreat in the utmost confusion and precipitancy. Adams, with that rapidity which is always useful in war, but was here indispensable, as the periodical rains began to fall, marched forward; but found the enemy again in his way, defended by an intrenchment fifteen feet high, and by a numerous ar tillery. It would have been an unjustifiable boldness to think of forcing so strong a post: he had recourse to a stratagem, which succeeded. He made a feint of attacking them where their principal strength lay, while the body of his army marched in the night to the opposite quarter of their line, and mastered it at day-break with little difficulty. Astonished at this stroke, the Indians fled, and abandoned the camp, and the city which it covered, to the conquerer. So considerable an advantage, which the English gained on the twenty-third of July 1763, did not slacken, but increased their diligence and exertions. They penetrated into the inmost recesses of the province, and crossing the numerous and wide branches of the Ganges, sought out the subah through marshes and forests. He was not remiss in his own defence. Knowing the inferiority of his troops, and the slight attachment of Indian subjects to their prince, he never ventured the final decision of the war on a single battle, nor hazarded his person in any engagement. The faithlessness of his grandees, who might by treason erect their own fortune on his ruin, deterred him from the latter; and the former could never be deemed advisable by a man, whom the experience of others bad taught that an immense multitude of undisciplined troops only confounds veterans, and contributes to the greatness of a defeat. In short, his whole conduct was formed upon wise principles; but his After this decisive proof of the superiority of the English forces, the Indians never attempted a regular engagement in the open field during the re mainder of the campaign. But they showed neither want of spirit nor skill in defending their towns and fortresses. At Auda Nulla particularly, they held out with wonderful art and perseverance, baffling every operation against them, from the twentyfirst of August till the fourth of September, when being overpowered by one of major Adams's wellconcerted stratagems, they suffered an incredible slaughter. The carrying of this strong hold laid open the whole country to the victorious arms of the English as far as the gates of Mongheer, which surrendered to them after only nine days open trenches. Nothing now remained to complete the reduction of the whole province, but the taking of Patna. This was the last hope of Mir Cossim, who had accordingly taken every possible precaution to strengthen and secure it. He placed in the city a garrison of ten thousand men, and hovered at some distance with several large bodies of horse to annoy the besiegers. But this barbarian merited by his cruelties the ill success which constantly attended all his measures, however well chosen. Irritated at the progress of Adams, and unable to avenge himself in the field, he issued orders for massacring about two hundred Englishmen, who had been made prisoners at Patna, in the beginning of the troubles. One Someraw a German, who had deserted from the company's service, was chosen for the perpetration of this horrid villany. On the day intended for butchering these unfortunate persons, be invited forty of the most considerable to supper at his house; and, in the midst of convivial mirth, when they thought themselves protected by the laws of hospitality as well as of war, the ruffian ordered the Indians under his command to cut their throats. These barbarous soldiers revolted at the savage order: they refused at first to obey, desiring that arms might be given to the English, and that they would then engage them. Someraw, fixed in his purpose, compelled them by threats and blows to the accomplishment of that odious service. The unfortunate victims, though suddenly attacked and wholly unarmed, made a long and brave defence, killing some of the assailants with their plates and bottles. In the end they were all murdered; and the rest of the prisoners met with the same fate. This enormous crime was not long unrevenged. Adams soon laid siege to Patna; and notwithstanding the strength of the garrison, and the unusual intrepidity and success of some of their sallies, he took the place by storm in eight days, and forced the perfidious Cossim to seek an assylum in the territories of Sujah Doula, a neighbouring subah, who voted as vizir to the great Mogul. No campaign had ever been conducted with more ability; no plan better laid, or more systematically followed; no operations more rapid. In less than four months major Adams completed, the first of any European, the entire conquest of Bengal. He gained in that time four capital victories, forced the strongest intrenchments, stormed two fortified cities, took five hundred pieces of cannon, and drove into exile the most artful, resolute and implacable enemy the English had ever before encountered in India. Mir Cossim's expulsion was not, however, at tended with any lasting security to the company's affairs in the east: it removed rather than extinguished the fire. The Indian princes sensible that, against European invaders, the cause of one was the cause of all, were alarmed for their own independence, and at the instigation of the fugitive subah took up arms against the English. The death of Adams, whose name was so terrible to them, contributed very much to this resolution. The Shah Zaddah, and the nabob Sujah Doula united their forces, and threatened to restore the exiled Cossim, at the head of an army of fifty thousand meu, with a suitable train of artillery. Major Munro, who succeeded Adams, showed himself by no means unworthy of such an appointment. He marched directly in quest of the enemy, and came up with them on the twenty second of October 1764, at a place called Buxar, on the banks of the Camnassary, about one hundred miles above Patna, where they were encamped with all the advantages nature and art could bestow. Before them lay a morass judiciously lined with cannon, which could neither be passed nor doubled without extreme danger. At the only end by which they seemed accessible, stood a wood occupied by a large body of Indians, who were destined to gall the English in their approach. The first appearance of such a situation was alone sufficient to make major Munro defer an attack, till it could be properly explored. On the day, therefore, of his arrival in sight of the enemy, he pitched his tents just out of the reach of their cannon, and disposed his men so as to be ready to form on any emergency. This precaution was far from being superfluous; for going out next morning at day-break to reconnoitre the enemy, he found them already under arms. Upon this returning to his camp, he called in all his advanced posts, and, in consequence of the wise dispositions made the day before, saw his line of battle completely formed in less than twenty minutes. The Indians began to cannonade the English at nine o'clock; and in half an hour after the action became general. For above two hours it was impossible to press forward against the regular and galling fire of the enemy in front; till Munro, by a variety of manoeuvres directed with judgment and executed with intrepidity, having cleared the left wing of the morass, the small arms began, and the whole Indian army was soon put to flight, leaving six thousand men on the spot, with a hundred and thirty pieces of cannon, a proportionable quantity of military stores, and all their tents ready pitched. This advantage cost the victors, in killed and wounded, but one hundred and nine Europeans, and seven hundred Indians. The indefatigable Munro followed the blow by an attempt on the only fort which was still left to Sujah Doula on the same side of the river Camnassary. This fort, called Chanda Geer, was a place of very great strength from its elevated and almost inaccessible situation on a craggy rock; and, as it appeared afterwards, was still stronger by the courage and fidelity of the Indian officer who commanded there. A practicable breach in the walls being effected by artillery, a party of the English forces was sent to storm it in the night time; but while they were vainly endeavouring to clamber up the steep ascent, the Indians with equal vigilance and activity, poured down upon them such torrents of stones, as forced them to desist, after many were buried under the rubbish made by their own cannon. Shame and a sense of honour tempted them to renew the attack on the ensuing night, but they met with no better success. Munro, therefore, finding it to be a place which no art was requisite to defend, though a great deal to take it, drew off his troops, resolving to reserve their courage and conduct for some better occasion; and encamped in the neighbourhood of Benares, an almost open and opulent city, which it was of importance to protect against the incursions of a plundering enemy. Affairs were thus circumstanced in the beginning of the year 1765, when major Munro being recalled home, the temporary command of the army devolved on sir Robert Fletcher; who emulous of the glory gained by his predecessors, resolved to do something to signalize himself, before general Carnac, named by the governor and council of Bengal, could arrive to preclude him. With this view, he broke up his camp near Benares at midnight of the fourteenth of January, and marched in quest of the enemy, whom he chaced before him. He next turned his thoughts to the reduction of the fort, the siege of which Munro had found it so imprudent to continue. As he attacked it in the same manner, he would probably have found it equally impregnable: but great discontents now prevailed among the garrison, in consequence of their having received no pay for six months, so that they no longer thought it worth their while to expose themselves to any more trouble or danger in such unprofitable service. Three breaches being made in the walls, the governor came, in sight of bis troops, to sir Robert, and delivered up the keys, with tears in his eyes, and a speech, which, at the same time that it contained the highest compliment to his enemy, argued the greatest nobleness of mind in himself. "I have," said he, "endeavoured to act like a soldier; but deserted by my prince, and threatened by a mutinous garrison, what could I do? God and you (here he laid his hand on the koran, and pointed to his soldiers) are witnesses that I yield through necessity, and that to the faith of the English I now trust my life and fortune." The surrender of this fort was quickly followed by a much greater, though not a more difficult conquest. Sir Robert met with little resistance in making himself master of the enemy's capital, called Eliabad, a large and strong city about seventy miles higher up the Ganges, and of such importance as seemingly to complete the ruin of Sujah Doula. Soon after the taking Eliabad, general Carnac assumed the command of the army, and made the best dispositions for securing the new conquests, as well as for restoring order and government to the country. Nothing occurred for some time to give him the least molestation. Sujah Doula was not in a condition immediately to oppose him. The battle of Buxar had given a terrible blow to the nabob's credit and power: Shah Zadda, the mogul, had then deserted him, and gone over to the English: his forces had also gradually crumbled away by frequent and bloody defeats: still finding a resource in his own steadiness and courage, he resolved not to fall in a weak and inglorious manner. He gathered together, with great assiduity, the remains of his routed armies, and as he knew that they alone could not prop his falling fortune, he applied for assistance to the Marattas, the inhabitants of the mountainous country to the south-west of Oudé, his province. They are an original tribe of Indians, who were never perfectly subdued by the mogul Tartars. Their principal strength cousisted in their horse, with which they over-ran, and rendered tributary several provinces, spreading terror and devastation around them. But their fame in arms ceased, when they encountered the English. Meeting Carnac at Calpi on the twentieth of May, they were totally routed, and obliged to seek for shelter in their own moun tains. Foiled in all his military attempts, Sujah Doula took a resolution altogether worthy of the spirit and policy of his character. Thinking it better to throw his life and fortune upon the generosity of a brave enemy, than to wander a forlorn exile, dependent on the uncertain hospitality of neighbours, who might purchase their own safety by his ruin, he determined to anticipate his fate, and to surrender himself. Having with a spirit of fidelity unusual in that country allowed Cossim and the assassin Someraw to escape, he appeared three days after the action at Calpi, in general Carnac's camp, nothing being previously stipulated in his favour, but that he should await lord Clive's determination. A SELECT COMMITTEE APPOINTED FOR BENGAL. On the first intelligence received by the India company that this war had broken out, they were struck with the utmost consternation. Under the influence of such a panic, nothing seemed to them capable of re-establishing their affairs but the name and fortune of lord Clive, to whom former success had given the character of invincible among the superstitious Indians. The company forgot, that other officers had gained equal honour, though not equal fortunes, in that part of the world. As if the enemies were at their gates, they created a dictator: they invested him and four other gentlemen with unlimited authority to examine and determine every thing, independently of the council, as long as Bengal remained in a state of war or confusion. These extraordinary powers were not granted without a vigorous opposition. Two considerable proprietors, who entered a strong protest against them, represented the commission as illegal and inexpedient: but the general fear overruled their objections; and the select committee, as it was called, sailed for Bengal. Before the committee's arrival there, Mir Jaffier, who had experienced such a variety of fortunes, died, and nominated his son, Naijem Doula, his successor. The council of Calcutta, after some deliberation, confirmed his choice, even to the exclusion of the male issue of a deceased elder son, because it was conformable to the Mussulman custom, which permits the latter to leave the succession to any of his own surviving sons, in preference to his grandson in the elder branch; and because, from the favourite son's personal character, he seemed likely to be contented with a moderate share of power. But previous to his receiving this honour, the terms were prescribed, on which he was to be admitted to it. He objected to several of the regulations that were proposed, in regard to the collection of the revenues; and insisted on the sole and uncontrolled nomination of his own officers. But the force of his remonstrances on any of those points was of little service to him; and his attempts to soften the deputies, who had been sent to negotiate the treaty, proved equally fruitless. Not the smallest relaxation was to be obtained; and disagreeable as the terms were, he found it necessary to sign them, or to relinquish all his fondest hopes and pretensions. Large presents were also bestowed, according to constant practice, on the English negotiators, who, though inflexible with respect to the articles, were ready to accept of any other acknowledgments from the subah, as the price of his elevation. Being in a country distinguished for riches and venality, -a country where the feeble protection of the laws, and the precariousness of private property have always rendered sumptuous presents customary, they did not think themselves obliged to give the natives an example of self-denial or disinterestedness. Among various abuses, which had lately engaged the attention of the company, this very practice of receiving presents, however beneficial to private persons, was deemed most injurious to the general interest. Covenants were therefore sent out from England to be signed by all the company's ser vants, not to accept of any such presents for the future. These instruments, though they had arrived, were not signed before the date of the treaty with Naijem Doula; and, as particular mention was made that they should affect no previous acts, the negotiators did not imagine that their late conduct could be called in question. Matters appear ed in a different light to the secret committee. They began a rigorous inquiry into the whole proceedings, and passed several resolutions severely reflecting on the council and its deputies. Their pretence was, that luxury, corruption, and the avidity of amassing large fortunes in a little time, had so universally infected the company's servants, that nothing less than a total reform, a perfect eradication of these vices could preserve the settlement from immediate ruin. "Fortunes of a hundred thousand pounds," said lord Clive, "have been acquired in the space of two years; and individuals, very young in the service, are returning home with a million and a half." The charge was retorted by the accused party with no inconsiderable force. "Such objections," said they, "come with a very bad grace from men who are much more culpable. Have not you, who arraign us, amassed princely fortunes by the very same means? Yet you cannot boast superior merit. The danger, which was removed by the battle of Plassey, was not greater than what threatened us before the battle of Buxar. Why should you monopolise rewards? The present happy situation of affairs is owing to our conduct, spirit, and industry. We cannot be bound by covenants which we did not sign. The presents, which we received, were conformable to the custom of the country, and to the practice of the company's servants in all former periods; and they were accepted with great honour, as all the proposed articles were previously settled, without giving up a single point, though large offers had been made for that purpose." TREATY WITH THE NABOb of oude. In the mean time, lord Clive repaired to the army at Eliabad; full powers being invested in him and general Carnac by the select committee to conclude a peace with Sujah Doula, whom the council, on account of his obstinacy and implacability, had deprived of his dominions. The Shah Zadda, who had now succeeded his father as mogul, and had remained with the English since the battle of Buxar, was to take possession of the deposed nabob's territories, as he had discovered an attachment to the English, and engaged in the war against his inclination. These arrangements were entirely disapproved of by lord Clive: he restored his province to Sujah Doula, and disappointed the sanguine hopes of the mogul. He said, that the company's affairs were likely to be involved in an inextricable labyrinth; that the success of their arms promised nothing but a succession of future wars; and that to ruin Sujah Doula was to break down the strongest barrier which the Bengal provinces could have against the invasions of the Marattas, Asghans, and other powers, who had so long desolated the northern districts. The advantages accruing to the company from this treaty were said to be immense. According to the noble lord, who concluded it, they would receive a clear yearly income of one million, seven hundred thousand pounds, exempt from all charges, expenses, and deductions. By such a large accession of treasure, they would be enabled to make proper investments from Bengal to China, without draining England of its silver, for the payment of the great balance in trade, which is constantly due to that country. The security and permanence, which the company were likely to acquire in consequence of the treaty, tended greatly to enforce the policy of such a measure. But the discontented party at Calcutta represented the treaty in a very different light, as equally inconsistent with the honour and interest of the company. Major Munro might long before have obtained as advantageous terms; but, as a previous condition, he insisted that Cossim, the author of the war, and Someraw, the murderer of seventy-two English gentlemen, should be delivered up. Have not then the honour and justice of the nation been again betrayed, in departing from those requisitions. The shameful connivance at Someraw's escape from justice will excite particular indignation in the breast of the English reader: his astonishment, however, will cease, when he reflects that the negotiation was chiefly, if not wholly directed by Clive, who was himself said to be deeply stained with innocent blood. But whatever horror many parts of Clive's conduct must excite, he certainly introduced at that time several judicious regulations into the army. He put the troops in the country on a new footing: he ordered barracks to be built for them in proper places: he also divided them in three parts, each of which was to consist of one regiment of European infantry, one company of artillery, and seven battalions of seapoys, each battalion to consist of seven hundred rank and file. One of these divisions was stationed at Eliabad, a second at Patna, and the third in the neighbourhood of Calcutta. These arrangements were well calculated to preserve the tranquillity of the empire, and to secure to the company the fruits of their late acquisitions. What steps were afterwards taken by the English ministry to render the prosperity of the company subservient to the wel fare of the nation at large will be a subject of future consideration. Their thoughts were at that time unfortunately, though unavoidably, engaged by objects of keener and more immediate concern. DISTURBANCES IN NORTH AMERICA. ALMOST every day brought alarming intelligence of the violent proceedings of the populace against the stamp-act in North America. When the report of its having received the royal assent first reached Boston, the ships in the harbour hung out their colours half mast high, in token of deep mourning: the bells being muffled rang a dumb peal: the act itself was printed with a death's head impressed upon it, in the place where it is usual to fix the stamp; and was publicly cried about the streets by the name of the "folly of England and ruin of America" essays, denying not only the expediency, but the equity and legality of the measure, ap. peared in various newspapers: to these were added caricatures, pasquinades, puns, criticisms, and such vulgar sayings fitted to the occasion, as, on account of their brevity, were easily circulated and retained, and from their inflammatory tendency could not fail of preparing the minds of the rabble to take fire the moment any attempt should be made to carry the act into execution. The ferment gradually spread to the middling and to the higher ranks of the people; and when authentic copies of the act from the king's printing house appeared amongst them, it was treated with all the contempt and indignation, which could be expressed by public authority against the most offensive libel. It was burned in various places with the effigies of the men supposed to be most active in getting it passed: and the warmest gratitude and respect were testified towards those who had made the most strenuous opposition to it in the English house of commons. But the general assemblies went still farther. Instead of barely conniving at the tumultuous acts of the people in support of what was termed independeuce, they proceeded to justify them by arguments; and though they resolved to petition the legislature of Great Britain against the stampact, it was in such terms as served rather to express their weakness than their submission. Committees of correspondence were established in the different colonies, and select persons were deputed from them to a congress at New York, where they met in October, and signed one general declaration of their pretended rights, and one general_petition expressive of their alleged grievances. The merchants also entered into solemn engagements not to order any more goods from Great Britain; to recal the orders already given, if not executed by the first of January 1766; and even not to dispose of any British goods sent them on commission after that time, unless not only the stamp-act, but the sugar and paper-money acts were repealed. The people of Philadelphia resolved, though not unanimously, that, till such repeal, no remittances should be made to England for debts already contracted, nor any lawyers be suffered to commence a suit against a resident in America, in behalf of British claimants. Societies in like manner were formed for the encouragement of domestic manufactures, and plans adopted for shaking off all dependence on the mother country for any of the necessaries or conveniencies of life. But by whatever motives the majority of the American malcontents were actuated, the effects of their disaffection and resistance were quickly and severely felt by the mother country. Her manufactures were at a stand; the principal sources of her commerce were cut off: a numerous populace was thrown out of employment; while provisions became extravagantly dear; and public credit received a dreadful shock by the total stoppage of remittances from the colonies. The situation of the ministry was at this juncture peculiarly critical. Surrounded with difficulties, many of them young in office, and without having had sufficient time to secure the confidence of either the sovereign or the people, they had to decide upon a question of the utmost delicacy and magnitude; and they foresaw, that whatever line they might resolve to pursue, they should meet with a formidable opposition. They knew that the framers and supporters of the stampact, who certainly formed a very numerous party, would embark warmly in the vindication of their own measures, and would insist on the policy and necessity of quelling at the very outset the daring resistance of the colonists to the legislative authority of Great Britain. They were also aware, that Pitc and his adherents would carry the contrary doctrine to a pitch of enthusiastic extravagance, and would contend for the absolute surrender or disavowal of the right of taxing the Americans. Between these opposite extremes, they thought it safest to choose a middle course, and neither to precipitate affairs with the colonists by the rashness of their councils, nor to sacrifice the dignity of the crown or nation by irresolution or weakness. Their despatches to the American governors were written with spirit, yet with temper, so as not to engage the executive power too deeply, but to leave it still at the option of the supreme legislature to advise pacific measures. The only strong objection which could be urged against such a mode of proceeding was, that when the authority of any government is openly despised, ridiculed and trampled upon, moderation may cease to be the dictate of either wisdom or virtue. MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. IN this situation were affairs when the parliament met on the seventeenth of December. Particular notice was taken from the throne of the importance of the matters which had occurred in North America, and which were given as a reason for assembling the two houses sooner than was intended, that they might have an opportunity to issue the necessary writs on the many vacancies that had happened since the last session; and proceed immediately after the recess to the consideration of the weighty matters that should then be laid before them, for which purpose the fullest accounts of the American affairs should be prepared for their inspection. The house then issued the necessary writs, and adjourned for the holidays. 1766. When both houses met on the fourteenth of January, according to their adjournment, a second speech from the throne, pointed out to them the American affairs as the principal object of their deliberations. The address was agreed to without a division, but not without a warm debate. Pitt seized this opportunity of declaring his own sentiments on the subject. He condemned in the gross all the capital measures of the late ministry. He said he was ill in bed, when the resolution was taken in the house to tax America, or he should have borne his testimony against it. As, from the nature of his infirmities, he could not depend upon health for any future day, he begged leave to say a few words at present on one point, which he thought was not generally understoodthe point of right. It was his opinion that Great Britain had no right to tax the colonies. At the same time he asserted the authority of the mother country over the colonies to be sovereign and supreme, in every circumstance of government and legislation whatsoever but he pretended, that taxation was no part of the governing or legislative power. In support of this paradox, he had recourse to some ingenious arguments. "This kingdom," said he, " as the supreme governing and legislative power, has always bound the colonies by her laws, by her regulations, and restrictions in trade, in navigation, in manufactures-in every thing except that of taking their money out of their pockets without their consent." But as the duties imposed for the regulation of trade certainly took money out of their pockets, he endeavoured to get clear of the palpable absurdity of admitting that right in one instance, and positively denying it in another, by a subtle distinction between internal and external taxes, the former being levied for the purposes of raising a revenue, while the latter were laid on for the accommodation of the subject, though some revenue might incidentally arise from them. As all these remarks were directly pointed at George Grenville's favourite measure, that gentleman made a very spirited reply. He censured the new ministry severely for delaying to give earlier notice to parliament of the disturbances in America. "They began," said he, "in July; and now we are in the middle of January: lately they were only occurrences; they are now grown to disturbances, to tumults and riots. I doubt they border on open rebellion; and if the doctrine I have heard this day be confirmed, I fear they will lose that name to take that of revolution. The government over them being dissolved, a revolution will take place in America. I cannot understand the difference between external and internal taxes. They are the same in effect, and only differ in name. That this kingdom has the sovereign, the supreme legislative power over America, is granted. It cannot be denied; and taxation is a part of that sovereign power. It is one branch of the legislation. It is it has been exercised over those who are not, who were never represented." Here Grenville pointed out several instances in support of his assertion, and added, "When I proposed to tax America, I asked the house, if any gentleman would object to the right? I repeatedly asked it; and no man would attempt to deny it. Protection and obedience are reciprocal. Great Britain protects America: America is bound to yield obedience." He then observed how ready the Americans had always been to ask pro |