part of the year was deemed violent and danger-cials. Governor Carleton was about this time couous, was in its progress pronounced both moderate veyed in a boat with muffled paddles by a secret and expedient. way to the Three Rivers, and thence to Quebec in a few days. Sir Guy Carleton, the king's governor in Canada, Do sooner heard that the Americans had surprised Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and obtained the command of Lake Champlain, than he planned a scheme for their recovery. Having only a few regular troops under his command, he endeavoured to induce the Canadians and Indians to co-operate with him; but they both declined. He established martial law, that he might compel the inhabitants to take up arms. They declared themselves ready to defend the province, but refused to march out of it, or to commence hostilities on their neighbours. Congress had committed the management of their military arrangements, in this northern department, to general Schuyler and general Montgomery. While the former remained at Albany, to attend an Indian treaty, the latter was sent forward to Ticonderoga, with a body of troops from New York and New England. Soon after reaching Ticonderoga, he made a movement down Lake Champlain. General Schuyler overtook him at Cape la Motte; whence they moved on to Isle aux Noix. About this time general Schuyler addressed the inhabitants, informing them, "that the only views of congress were to restore to them those rights which every subject of the British empire, of whatever religious sentiments he may be, is entitled to; and that in the execution of these trusts he had received the most positive orders to cherish every Canadian, and every friend to the cause of liberty, and sacredly to guard their property." The Americans, about 1000 in number, on the 10th of September effected a landing at St. John's, which being the first British post in Canada, lies only 115 miles to the northward of Ticonderoga. The British piquets were driven into the fort. The environs were theu reconnoitered, and the fortifications were found to be much stronger than had been suspected. This induced the calling of a council of war, which recommended a retreat to Isle aux Noix, twelve miles south of St. John's, to throw a boom across the channel, and to erect works for its defence. Soon after this event, an extreme bad state of health induced general Schuyler to retire to Ticonderoga, and the command devolved on general Montgomery. This enterprising officer in a few days returred to the vicinity of St. John's, and opened a battery against it. Ammunition was so scarce that the siege could not be carried on with any prospect of speedy success. The general detached a small body of troops to attempt the reduction of Fort Chamblee, only six miles distant. Success atter ded this enterprise. By its surrender six tons of gunpowder were obtained, which enabled the general to prosecute the siege of St. John's with vi gour. The garrison, though straitened for provisions, persevered in defending themselves with unabating fortitude. While general Montgomery was prosecuting this siege, the governor of the province collected at Montreal about 800 men, chiefly militia and Indians. He endeavoured to cross the river St. Lawrence with this force, and to land at Longueil, intending to proceed thence to attack the besiegers; but colonel Warner with 300 green mountain boys and a four-pounder, prevented the execu tion of the design. The governor's party was suffered to come near the shore, but was then fired upon with such effect as to make them retire, after sustaining great loss. An account of this affair being communicated to the garrison in St. John's, major Preston, the commanding officer, surrendered, on receiving honour. able terms of capitulation. When Montreal was evacuated by the troops, the inhabitants applied to general Montgomery for a capitulation. He informed them, that as they were defenceless, they could not expect such a conces sion, but he engaged upon his honour to maintain the individuals and religious communities of the city, in the peaceable enjoyment of their property, and the free exercise of their religion. In all his transactions, he spoke, wrote, and acted with dignity and propriety, and in particular treated the inhabitants with liberality and politeness. Montreal, which at this time surrendered to the provincials, carried on an extensive trade, and contained many of those articles, which from the operation of the resolutions of congress could not be imported into any of the united colonies. From these stores the American soldiers, who had hitherto suf fered from the want of suitable clothing, obtained a plentiful supply. General Montgomery, after leaving some troops in Montreal, and sending detachments into differ ent parts of the province to encourage the Canadians, and to forward provisions, advanced towards the capital. His little army arrived with expedition before Quebec. Success had hitherto crowned every attempt of general Montgomery, but notwithstanding his situation was very embarrassing. the choice of difficulties, the genius of Montgomery surmounted many obstacles. During his short career, he conducted himself with so much prudence, as to make it doubtful whether we ought to admire most the goodness of the man or the address of the general. In About the same time that Canada was invaded, in the usual route from New-York, a considerable detachment from the American army at Cambridge was conducted into that royal province by a new and unexpected passage. Colonel Arnold, who successfully conducted this bold undertaking, thereby acquired the name of the American Hannibal. The most pointed instructions had been given to this corps, to conciliate the affections of the Canadians. It was particularly enjoined upon them, if the son of lord Chatham, then an officer in one of the British regiments in that province, should fall into their hands, to treat him with all possible at tention, in return for the great exertions of his father in behalf of American liberty. While general Montgomery lay at Montreal, colonel Arnold arrived (November 8th] at Point Levy opposite to Quebec. Such was the consternation of the garrison and inhabitants at his unexpected appearance, that had not the river intervened, an immediate attack in the first surprise and confusion, might have been successful. The embarrassments of the garrison were increased by the absence of Sir Guy Carleton; that gallant officer, on hearing of Montgomery's invasion, prepared to oppose him in the extremes of the province. While he was collecting a force to attack invaders in one direction, a different corps, emerging out of the depths of an unexplored wilderness, suddenly appeared from another. In a few days after colonel Arnold had arrived at Point Levy, he crossed the river St. Lawrence, but his chance of succeeding by a coup de main was in that short space greatly diminished. The critical moment was passed. The panic occasioned by his first appearance had abated, and solid preparations for the defence of the town were adopted. The inhabitauts, both English and Canadians, as soon as danger pressed, united for their common defence. Alarmed for their property, they were, at their own request, embodied for its security. The sailors were taken from the shipping in the harbour, and put to the batteries on shore. As colonel Arnold had no artillery, after parading some days on the heights near Quebec, he drew off his troops, intending nothing more until the arrival of Montgomery, than to cut off supplies from entering the garrison. After the reduction of St. John's, general Montgomery proceeded towards Montreal. The few British forces there, unable to stand their ground, repaired for safety on board the shipping, in hopes of escaping down the river; but they were prevented by colonel Easton, who was stationed at the point of Sorel river with a number of continental At the time the Americans were before Montroops, some cannon, and an armed gondola. Gen-treal, general Carleton, as has been related, escaperal Prescot, who was on board with several officers, and about 120 privates, having no chance to escape, submitted to be prisoners on terms of capitulation. Eleven sail of vessels with all their contents, consisting of ammunition, provision, and entrenching tools, became the property of the provin ed through their hands, and got safe to Quebec. His presence was itself a garrison. The confidence reposed in his talents, inspired the men under his command to make the most determined resistance. General Montgomery having on the first of Decem ing themselves hemmed in, and without hopes either of success, relief, or retreat, they yielded to numbers, and the advantageous situation of their adversaries. The loss of the Americans, in killed and wounded, was about 100, and 300 were taken prisoners, ber effected at Point aux Trembles a junction with colonel Arnold, commenced the siege of Quebec, Towards the end of the year, the tide of fortune began to turn. Dissensions broke out between colonel Arnold and some of his officers, threatening the annihilation of discipline. The continental currency had no circulation in Canada, and all the hard This deliverance of Quebec may be considered as money furnished for the expedition was nearly ex- a proof how much may be done by one man for the pended. Difficulties of every kind were daily in- preservation of a country. It also proves that solcreasing. The extremities of fatigue were constant-diers may in a short time be formed out of the mass ly to be encountered. The extremity of winter was of citizens. fast approaching. From these combined circumstances, general Montgomery was impressed with a conviction, that the siege should either be raised, or brought to a summary termination. To storm the place was the only feasible method of effecting the latter purpose; but this was an undertaking, in which success was but barely possible. The garrison of Quebec at this time consisted of about 1520 men, of which 800 were militia, and 450 were seamen belonging to the king's frigates, or merchants' ships in the harbour. The rest were marines, regulars, or colonel Maclean's new raised emigrants. The American army consisted of about 800 men. Some had been left at Montreal, and near a third of Arnold's detachment, as has been related, had returned to Cambridge. ATTACK ON Quebec and death of The conflict being over, the ill will which had subsisted, during the siege, between the royal and provincial troops gave way to sentiments of humanity. The Americans who surrendered, were treated with kindness. Ample provisions were made for their wounded, and no unnecessary severity shown to any. Few men have ever fallen in battle so much regretted by both sides as general Montgomery. His well-known character was almost equally esteemed by the friends and foes of the side which he had espoused. In America he was celebrated as a martyr to the liberties of mankind; in Great Britain as a misguided good man, sacrificing to what he supposed to be the rights of his country. ASPECT OF AFFAIRS. A SERIES of disasters followed the royal cause in the year 1775. General Gage's army was cooped up in Boston, and rendered useless. In the southern states, where a small force would have made an impression, the royal governors were unsupported. Much was done to irritate the colonists and to cement their union, but very little, either in the way of conquest or concession, to subdue their spirits or conciliate their affections. GENERAL MONTGOMERY having divided this little force into four detachments, ordered two feints to be made against the upper town, one by colonel Livingston, at the head of the Canadians, against St. John's gate; and the other by major Brown, against Cape Diamond, reserving to himself and In this year the people of America generally colonel Arnold the two principal attacks against took their side. Every art was made use of by the the lower town. At five o'clock in the morning of popular leaders to attach the inhabitants to their the 31st of December general Montgomery advanced cause; nor were the votaries of the royal interest against the lower town. He passed the first barrier, inactive. But little impression was made by the and was just opening to attack the second, when latter, except among the uninformed. The great he was killed, together with his aid-de-camp, cap- mass of the wealth, learning, and influence, in all tain John M'Pherson, captain Cheesman, and some the southern colonies, and in most of the northern, others. This so dispirited the men, that colonel was in favour of the American cause. Some aged Campbell, on whom the command devolved, thought persons were exceptions to the contrary. Attached proper to draw them off. In the mean time colonel to ancient habits, and enjoying the fruits of their Arnold, at the head of about 350 men, passed through industry, they were slow in approving new meas St. Roch, and approached near a two-gun battery, ures subversive of the former, and endangering without being discovered. This he attacked, and the latter. A few who had basked in the sunshine though it was well defended, carried it, but with of court favour, were restrained by honour, princiconsiderable loss. In this attack colonel Arnold ple, and interest, from forsaking the fountain of received a wound, which made it necessary to car- their enjoyments. Some feared the power of Briry him off the field of battle. His party neverthe-tain, and others doubted the perseverance of Amerless continued the assault, and pushing on, made ica; but a great majority resolved to hazard every themselves masters of a second barrier; but find-thing in preference to a tame submission. NOTES TO CHAPTER XI. 1 The assembly of South Carolina voted 1500l. to this fund; and the committee, in their letter of thanks for the favour, took care, among other inflammatory suggestions, to hint that the parliament, as then constituted, had no right to levy taxes either in England or America, and that "demands which were made majesty, "that the petition was founded upon false and erroneous allegations, and that the same is groundless, vexatious, and scandalous, and calculated only for the seditious purposes of keeping up a spirit of clamour and discontent in the province." CHAPTER XII. Fatal effects of the War-Meeting of Parliament-Defection of the Duke of Grafton and General Conway from the Ministry-Introduction of foreign troops-Prohibitory Bill-Changes in the Ministry-Affairs of Ireland-Debates on foreign troops-Conclusion of the Session-Boston evacuated by the British-Siege of Quebec raised-Americans defeated on the Lakes-Unsuccessful attempt upon Charlestown-Preparations against New-York-Declaration of Independence-Americans defeated at Long-Island-New York taken-Americans retreat into the Jerseys and over the DelawareRhode Island reduced-General Lee made prisoner—Hessians cut off at Trenton-British defeated at Princeton. EFFECTS OF THE WAR, T Notwithstanding the confident boasts of ministry, that the forces which had been voted in the last session were fully adequate to the subjugation of America, it was found that they were not sufficient to maintain their ground in the city of Boston. Negotiations for foreign troops, therefore, became absolutely necessary. Russia was applied to in vain, nor could the Dutch be prevailed on to part with their Scotch brigade for this nefarious service. the persons and properties of their fellow-subjects; and although many of these unhappy people might still retain their loyalty, too wise not to see the fatal consequences of this usurpation, and might wish to resist it, yet the torrent of violence had been strong enough to compel their acquiescence, till a sufficient force should appear to support them. The rebellious war was now become more general, and was manifestly carried on for the purpose of establishing an independent empire. The object was too important, the spirit of the British nation too high, the resources with which God had blessed her too numerons, to give up so many colonies which she had planted with great industry, nursed with great tenderness, encouraged with many commercial advantages, and protected and defended at much expense of blood and treasure. It was now become the part of wisdom, and, in its effects, of clemency, to put a speedy end to these disorders by the most decisive exertions. For this purpose his majesty had increased his naval establishment, and greatly augmented his land forces; but in such a manner as might be least burdensome to the kingdom. His majesty informed them that the most friendly offers of foreign service had been made, and, if necessary, should be laid before them. He assured them, that when the unhappy and deluded multitude, against whom force was to be directed, It is always one of the principal artifices of a should become sensible of their error, he would reweak and bad ministry, to amuse the populace with ceive the misled with tenderness and mercy. An fabricated plots and conspiracies to overturn the apology was made to the commous for the increased government. Previous to the meeting of parlia- demand of supplies, and it was affirmed that the ment, something of this kind was deemed neces- constant employment of his majesty's thoughts, sary, and a Mr. Sayre, a banker, an American by and the most earnest wishes of his heart, tended birth, was committed to the Tower, on a ridiculous wholly to the safety and happiness of his people; charge of a plot to seize the king in his passage to aud that his majesty saw no probability that the the house of peers, and to convey him out of the measures which parliament might adopt would be kingdom. On an application, however, by habeas interrupted by disputes with any foreign power. corpus, to the court of king's bench, the charge The addresses, in answer to this speech, containappeared so frivolous and ill-founded, that Mred the same sentiments, and the efforts of opposiSayre was discharged; and he afterwards recovered in a court of law, 10007. damages against lord Rochford, secretary of state, on an action for false imprisonment. With the slave-merchants of Germany the ministers were more successful, and a number of troops were purchased, like cattle, of the princes of Hesse and Brunswick. PARLIAMENT MEETS. THE parliamentary session commenced rather earlier than usual, viz. on October 26th. His majesty, in a speech of unusual length, gave the present situation of America as a reason for having called the houses together early. It was observ ed, that those who had too long successfully laboured to influence the people in America by gross misrepresentations, and to infuse into their minds a system of opinions repugnant to the true constitution of the colonies, and to their subordinate relation to Great Britain, now openly avowed their revolt, hostility, and rebellion. They had raised troops, were collecting a naval force, had seized the public revenue, and assumed to themselves legislative, executive, and judicial powers, which they already exercised in the most arbitrary manner, over tion were powerfully directed to avoid the imputation of those addresses being the unanimous voice of the house. GENERAL CONWAY AND THE DUKE OF GRAFTON JOIN THE OPPOSITION. THEIR arguments were powerfully aided by the defection of general Conway and the Duke of Grafton; who, in their respective houses, pleaded the cause of the injured colonists with great ability, feeling, and correctness. They gave it as their opinion, that if ever a reconciliation could be effect ed, this was the time to make the attempt, by a repeal of every obnoxious act passed against the Americans since the year 1763. The addresses, however, passed in the original forms in both houses, by prodigious majorities. The debates were unusually long, and the questions attended to with nnremitting zeal. The duke of Richmond distinguished himself in the house of lords, and was one of nineteen peers who signed a protest against the 1 in matters of political opinion, find security against the undue exertion of this power, or the misconstruction of the sentiments of opposition? On the contrary it was replied, that the Devonshire militia, by this address, only wished to give a proof of their attachment to the crown, and that it was proper for other societies to do the same, as a counterpart to the addresses of London and Middlesex, and to undeceive the people in the country, who dreaded that nothing less than a revolution was meditated by the present adverse proceedings of some bodies of men. The question being put, the bill was carried by 259 to 50. These debates were followed by the augmentation of the land-tax to four shillings in the pound. This passed with little opposition, excepting some complaints about the want of information. PROHIBITORY BILL. themselves more to prosecute military operations No ministry had in any preceding war exerted against alien enemies, than the present to make the ensuing campaign decisive of the dispute be tween the mother-country and the colonies. One legislative act was still wanting to give full efficacy to the intended prosecution of hostilities. This was brought into parliament in a bill interdicting all trade and intercourse with the thirteen united colonies. By it all property of Americans, whether of ships or goods on the high seas, or in harbour, was officers and crews of his majesty's ships of war." declared to be forfeited to the captors, being the It farther enacted," that the masters, crews, and vessels, should be entered on board his majesty's other persons found on board captured American majesty's service to all intents and purposes, as if vessels of war, and there considered to be in his they had entered of their own accord." This bill ers, who, over and above granting pardons to inalso authorised the crown to appoint commissiondividuals, were empowered to "inquire into general and particular grievances, and to determine turned to that state of obedience which might enwhether any colony, or part of a colony, was retitle it to be received within the king's peace and protection." In that case, upon a declaration from the commissioners, "the restrictions of the proposed law were to cease." proceedings of that house. What relates to the employment of Hanoverian troops, conveys the following sentiments: "That Hanoverian troops should, at the mere pleasure of the ministers, be considered as a part of the British military establishment, and take a rotation of garrison duties, through these dominions, is, in practice and precedent, of the highest danger to the safety and liberties of this kingdom, and tends wholly to invalidate the wise and salutary declaration of the grand fundamental law of our glorious deliverer, king William, which has bound together the rights of the subject, and the succession of the throne." Upon this opinion, a few days after the address had been delivered, the duke of Manchester founded a resolution, "That bringing into any part of the dominions of Great Britain, the electoral troops of his majesty, or any other foreign troops, without the previous consent of parliament, is dangerous and unconstitutional." The Hanoverians, his grace observed, would not be under the command of any military law in those garrisons, and the mutiny act could not extend to them, being confined to those troops only which are specified in it, or voted by parliament. There was no security in putting fortified places of such importance into the hands of foreign troops, and the king had no right to maintain, in any part of his British dominions, any troops to which parliament had not given their consent. On the other hand, the lords in administration said, that the clause in the bill of rights, which is in question, is to be understood with the conditions annexed to it, one of which relates to the bringing of troops within the kingdom, and another mentions the time of peace, and in the present case neither of those conditions were violated. the bill of rights, it was said, confirms to the king a Nay, power to raise an army, in time of war, in any par: of his dominions, both of natives and foreigners-a power which had been exerted on several occasions, without the consent of parliament, and was justified now by necessity. The opposition answered, that the words "within the kingdom," if confined to England alone, would exclude Ireland, Scotland, and other places into which armies of foreigners might be introduced. "However the circumstantial quibbling of law might pretend to determine, the measure was certainly contrary to the spirit and intention of the bill of rights, which particularly provides against keeping a standing army without the consent of parliament." They maintained that no foreign troops had been brought into the kingdom at any time since the revolution, without the previous consent of parliament, either by an address, or by some former treaty which it had ratified; and the hiring of foreign troops, and afterwards prevailing on parliament to ratify the engagements, had always been censured as an unwarrantable step. In the late war, ministers were exceedingly cautious in this respect, and even after the parliament had agreed to the raising of 4000 Germans for American service, such effectual provision was made for the security of this kingdom, that it was impossible any mischief could ensue. With all the deference king William's parliament entertained for that prince, they never would consent to the admission of his Dutch guards into England. Notwithstanding these and other forcible arguments, the previous question was put, and the numbers were, 75 who voted against, and 32 who supported the motion. A further infraction on the constitution presented itself at this time to the opposition. A new militia-bill which was introduced, was said to be subversive of every idea of a constitutional militia, as they were not to be called out except in cases of invasion or rebellion, pretences of which might at any time be made; a minister had it in his power to embody them, and in that case they composed a standing army. The ministry endeavoured to assure the house that their fears on this topic were groundless, and that it was not to be supposed that any minister would dare to abuse the power granted to him, and that if he did, he was accountable for it at the risk of his life. This apology, however, did not satisfy the opposition; part of the Devonshire militia had offered their personal service against all internal enemies; this was a specimen of what we had to expect from the establishment of this new militia, who were to obey any orders that might be given, no matter by whom; and where would they, who might differ from administration Americans were already in a state of war, it beIt was said in favour of this bill, that as the against them, as was usual against alien enemies : came necessary that hostilities should be carried on operations were prosecuted, the sooner would That the more vigorously and extensively military peace and order be restored: That as the commissioners went out with the sword in one hand, and terms of conciliation in the other, it was in the of any real or apparent severities in the proposed power of the colonists to prevent the infliction statute. lu opposition to it, it was said that treating the way for their independence. One member observed, Americans as a foreign nation, was marking out the authorised by the bill, would oblige the colonists to that as the indiscriminate rapine of property, coalesce as one man, its title ought to be, "A bill for carrying more effectually into execution the resolves of the congress." But of all parts of this bill, none was so severely condemned as that clause by which persons taken on board the American vessels, were indiscriminately compelled to serve as common sailors in British ships of war. This than death." It was also said, " that no man could was said to be "a refinement of tyranny worse be despoiled of his goods as a foreign enemy, and at the same time obliged to serve as a citizen, and families, kindred, friends, and country; and after that compelling captives to bear arms against their being plundered themselves, to become accomplices in plundering their brethren; was unexampled, exhuman society." To all these high charges the cept among pirates, the outlaws and enemies of ministry replied, " that the measure was an act of grace and favour; for," said they, "the crews of legal punishment of their demerits, as traitors and American vessels, instead of being put to death, the rebels, are by this law to be rated on the king's books, and treated as if they were on the same footing with a great body of his most useful and faithful subjects." In the progress of the debates on this bill, lord Mansfield declared," that the questions of original right and wrong were no longer to be consideredthat they were engaged in a war, and must use their utmost efforts to obtain the ends proposed by it; that they must either fight or be pursued; and that the justice of the cause must give way to their present situation." Perhaps no speech in or out of parliament operated more extensively on the irri tated minds of the colonists than this. CHANGES IN THE CABINET. THE recess for the holidays now took place, but previous to it, some changes in the ministry had happened which it is proper to notice; the privy seal, vacant by the resignation of the duke of Grafton, was given to the earl of Dartmouth, who resigned the secretaryship of the American department; lord George Sackville Germaine succeeded him, who once had been attached to opposition and a zealous friend of Mr. Grenville, after whose death he gradually came over to the side of administration, and had voted with them in favour of all the late measures respecting America. Lord Wey. mouth succeeded the earl of Rochford as secretary for the southern department. IRISH AFFAIRS. 1776. THE first business of any consequence, after the recess, related to Ireland. The lord lieutenant of that kingdom had sent a written message to the house of commons, containing a requisition in the king's name, of 4000 additional troops from that kingdom for the American service, not to be paid by that establishment during their, absence, and, if desired by them, to be replaced by an equal number of foreign protestant troops, the charges of which should be defrayed without any expense to Ireland. The commons granted 4000 troops, but rejected the offer of foreign troops, and the patriotic members wished rather to embody a part of the nation under the description of volunteers for their internal defence... DEBATE ON FOREIGN TROOPS. THE treaties which had been concluded with the landgrave of Hesse Cassel, the duke of Brunswick, and the hereditary prince of Hesse Cassel, for hiring their troops to the king of Great Britain, to be employed in the Americanservice, being on the 29th of February laid before the house of commons, a motion was made thereon for referring them to the committee of supply. This occasioned a very interesting debate on the propriety of employing foreign troops against the Americans. The measure was supported on the necessity of prosecuting the war, and the impracticability of raising a suf ficient number of domestic levies. It was also urged, "that foreign troops, inspired with the military maxims and ideas of implicit submission, would be less apt to be biassed by that false lenity which native soldiers might indulge, at the expense of national interest." It was said," Are we to sit still and suffer an unprovoked rebellion to terminate in the formation of an independent hostile empire?" "Are we to suffer our colonies, the object of great national expense, and of two bloody wars, to be lost for ever to us, and given away to strangers, from a scruple of employing foreign troops to preserve our just rights over colonies for which we have paid so dear a purchase? As the Americans, by refusing the obedience and taxes of subjects, deny themselves to be a part of the British empire, and make themselves foreigners, they cannot complain that foreigners are employed against them." On the other side, the measure was severe. ly condemned; the necessity of the war was de nied, and the nation was represented as disgraced by applying to the petty princes of Germany for succours against her own rebellious subjects. The tendency of the example to induce the Americans to form alliances with foreign powers, was strongly urged. It was said, "Hitherto the colonists have ventured to commit themselves singly in this arduous contest, without having recourse to foreign aid, but it is not to be doubted, that in future they will think themselves fully justified, both by our example and the laws of self-preservation, to engage foreigners to assist them in opposing those mercenaries, whom we are about to transport for their destruction. Nor is it doubtful that, in case of their application, European powers of a rank far superior to that of those petty princes, to whom we have so abjectly sued for aid, will consider them. selves to be equally entitled to interfere in the quarrel between us and our colonies," The supposition of the Americans receiving aid from France or Spain, was on this and several other occasions ridiculed, on the idea that these powers would not dare to set to their own colonies the dangerous example of encouraging those of Great Britain in opposing their sovereign. It was also supposed, that they would be influenced by considerations of future danger to their American possessions, from the establishment of an independent empire in their vicinity. A bill for the establishment of a militia in Scotland had been brought in by lord Mountstewart, on the 8th of December 1775; but from want of at tendance, and multiplicity of other business, had been neglected during the greater part of the session. It was now brought under consideration; but, notwithstanding the apparent sanction of administration, as well as the patronage of the Scots gentlemen, it was at last thrown out by 112 to 95. On this occasion the minister divided with the minority. On the 23d of May his majesty put an end to the session. In the speech, his majesty expressed the usual satisfaction with their proceedings; that no alteration had taken place in the state of foreign affairs; the commons were thanked for their readiness and despatch in granting the supplies, which unavoidably were this year extraordinary; a proper frugality was promised, and it was observed that they were engaged in a great national cause, the prosecution of which must be attended with great difficulties, and much expense; but when they considered, that the essential rights and interests of the whole empire were deeply concerned in the issue of it, and could have no safety or security but in that constitutional subordination for which they were contending, it afforded a conviction that they could not think any price too high for such objects. His majesty hoped, that his rebellious subjects would be awakened to a sense of their errors, and by a voluntary return to their duty, justify the restoration of harmony; but if a due submission should not be obtained from such motives and dispositions on their part, it was trusted, that it would be effectuated by a full exertion of the great force with which they had entrusted him. BOSTON EVACUATED BY THE BRITISH. WHILE these affairs were transacting in England, the troops at Boston were suffering the inconvenience of a blockade. From the 19th of April they were cut off from those refreshments which ther situation required; their supplies from Britain did not reach the coast for a long time after they were expected. Several were taken by the American cruizers, and others were lost at sea. This was in particular the fate of many of their coal-ships. The want of fuel was peculiarly felt in a climate where the winter is both severe and tedious. They relieved themselves in part from their sufferings on this account, by the timber of houses which they pulled down and burned. Vessels were despatched to the West Indies to procure provisions; but the islands were so straitened that they could afford but little assistance. Armed ships and transports were ordered to Georgia, with an intent to procure rice; but the people of that province, with the aid of a party from South Carolina, so effectually opposed them, that of eleven vessels, only two got off safe with their cargoes. It was not till the stock of the garrison was nearly exhausted, that the transports from England entered the port of Boston, and relieved the distresses of the garrison. While the troops within the lines were apprehensive of suffering from want of provisions, the troops without were equally uneasy for want of employment. Used to labour and motion on their farms, they relished ill the inactivity and confinement of a camp-life. Fiery spirits declaimed in favour of an assault. They preferred a bold spirit of enterprise to that passive fortitude which bears up under present evils, while it waits for favourable junctures. To be in readiness for an attempt of this kind, a council of war recommended to call in 7280 militia-men, from New Hampshire or Connecticut. This number, added to the regular army before Boston, would have made an operating force of about 17,000 men. The eyes of all were fixed on general Washington, and from him it was unreasonably expected |