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legislation, "that a rivality in commerce and in the arts of peace, were the sole objects of his ambition! From support, thus qualified, the ministers could receive little pleasure and less advantage. It was evident that it arose from a behef that they were determined to persevere in pacific measures, at ail events, and under all circumstances; and that should war (which was evidently in their contemplation, however they might endeavour to conceal it from the public, perhaps from themselves,) be the resuit of the present menacing posture of afairs, that all concurrence in opinion, and assistance from their now apparent well-wishers, must cease. In consequence of which the advocates of the present government, rejecting such assistance, had to combat at once the friends of Mr. Pitt-the new and the old opposition-a task totally beyond their powers in debate or political science, and the failure in which must expose them, as will always be the case in a popular government, to mate defeat and ruin. Under ch disastrous auspices did the present administration commence ir parliamentary campaign of 1 year; and such the view of the terials of which that parliament composed. Warm and eager entention was looked to among the political circles. Nor was the Fate of the public mind more tran1. Lulled into the most prod security, by the assurances the ministers; the inhabitants of British empire had seen, but pectively, a continuation of the for a term of sufficient duraensure the reduction of the atronal debt, a decrease of taxes,

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internal prosperity, and a vast increase of commercial and colonial advantages. In vain did the "warning voice" of the first statesmen of the age, announce the coming tempest. In vain did the ambitious turbulence of Bonaparte in every quarter of the globe, bespeak his inveterate hatred to us, and his unlimited ambition. In vain did the British press, that great lever of public opinion, (and which had to its immortal honor first taken the alarm at that despotic violence which threatened in its unchecked progress, the liberties of the world, and of course its own,) exert itself to open the eyes of a deluded people.-The specious and flattering prospects held out by administration, prevailed over the better judgments of a burthened and commercial nation; and it was not till the speech announced the necessity of military preparation, and the jealous view which it took of continental affairs, that the people could be brought to look their danger in the face. But this thunderclap soon aroused them-a determination to engage cheerfully in new wars, if such were necessary, quickly prevailed in the minds of all; but with this determination be gan to be conceived a deep and rooted contempt for the characters of those, who had blindly or wilfully deceived them, and an anxious desire to be delivered in the moment of approaching trial, from those hands which had, in comparatively easy periods, so feebly held the reigns of government; and that they should be committed to such as had experience, ability, and skill to guide them.-Before we close however

ultimate

this statement, it is but justice to remark, that one inestimable good consequence seems to have resulted, even from the very weakness of administration. In proportion to our submission and acquiescence to the views of France; in proportion as we gave way to her ambition, and the accomplishment of her objects; in proportion as we bent under the impositions of an insatiable and insulting enemy; in that proportion the resentment and indignation of a generous and brave people

arose at the proofs of his unmerited hostility. One sentiment, one motive,seemed to pervade,without a single exception, the whole community; and the British nation were, to a man, determined to shew our insulting foe, should a contest be inevitable, that it had not lost its ancient strength or elasticity, but could spring back with tenfold force and energy, to the destruction of the power who had dared oppres sively to humble it.

CHAP.

CHAP. III.

Resolations of the Committee of Supply.-Debate on the first Resolution. -Speeches of Mr. T. Grenville--Addington-Sir S. Smith-Lord Hawkesbury-Mr. Canning-Attorney General-Dr. Lawrence.-Resolutions agreed to.-Lord Moira's Motion for Papers on the Assumption of the Dominion of the Carnatic, in the House of Lords, agreed to. -Proceedings on the Middlesex Petitions. Military Estimate.Debate-Secretary at War-Mr. Bankes-Earl Temple-General Maitland-Tarleton-Mr. Archdall-Whitbread-Sheridan-Canning -Wilberforce-For-Windham-Chancellor of the Exchequer.-Resolations committed.-Debate resumed on the bringing up the Report of the Committee-Mr. T. Grenville-Lord Hawkesbury-Sir F. BurdettDr. Lawrence Mr. Fox-Windham-Lord Castlereagh. —Resolutions carried unanimously.

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On the resolution being put, Mr. Grenville expressed his astoment at the conduct of minisers. who proposed a vote of so any additional seamen, without stating the necessity for it; he conered such an explanation would be due to parliament, before they ared to the proposition of the miI. The speech, in fact, conated no sentiment or opinion, alicable either to the present tes, or to any former period of history; it was a mere collec

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Vol. XLV.

tion of truisms. In former speeches,
critical

were some declarations of the opi-
nions of ministers, with respect to
the state of Europe; in the present
there was not even the attempt
made. Last year, the minister said
he considered 30,000 seamen suffi-
cient for our peace establishment;
at present he demanded 50,000.
Parliament ought to be informed of
the reasons of this excess.
If we
were likely to continue in peace,
parliament might think it too much;
if we were likely to be soon at war,
they might think it too little. He
wished the house to consider the

vast exertions that both France and
Holland were making for the re-
storation of their navies; Spain and
Portugal too, were so completely
under the influence of France, that
she would be enabled to direct their
strength against this country,
whenever she chose; and perhaps

shut

shut us out for ever from the Mediterranean. Wherever we turned our eyes, we must see the progressive aggrandizement of France. He was decidedly of opinion that the sum which was demanded was too large for a peace establishment, and yet too small either for war, or to enable us to interfere, with weight, in the affairs of the continent.

The chancellor of the exchequer trusted that the house would not believe, that it was from any disrespect, that he did not think it necessary to preface the resolutions with any observation. The right hon. gentleman and his friends, had a very short time ago felt, that there were sufficient reasons for a larger establishment, and they then called for it; but now, when an increased establishment is proposed, he was asked what was the reason for this excess? If he and his friends believed the descriptions they had hemselves given of the state of Europe, he should suppose no far:her reasons could be necessary, to them at least, for an increased establishment. It seemed now to be agreed by every body, that a strong defensive force was necessary for this country, in the present situation of Europe. As to the increase of the Dutch navy, when it was considered how it had been reduced last war, it was no wonder that exertions were made to restore it: but if there was no supineness on our part, those exertions could not be to us injurious. In the beginning of the last war the fleets of the enemy were as follow:France had 105 sail of the line, Spain 79, and Holland 27; but at the conclusion of the war, this force was so reduced, that France

had but 39, Spain 63, and Holland 16. The British navy now exceeds the navies of France, Spain, and Holland, by sixty sail of the line, and proportionally in frigates and sloops of war. Under those circumstances, he did not think this country need feel any serious alarm from the naval exertions of the powers which France could influence to join her. His majesty's ministers had no other wish than to be enabled to put forth, upon any emergency, a force sufficient to repel all danger from this country.

Sir Sidney Smith expressed considerable regret, at the great reductions which were suddenly made, both in the king's dock-yards, and in the navy in general. A prodigious number of men had been thus reduced to the utmost poverty and distress; and it might be apprehended that they would be obliged to seek employment from foreign states. Whatever reluctance they might feel to this, they might, by dire necessity, be compelled to it. On this ground he wished the number of seamen to be employed were considerably greater than it is; for he knew, from his own experience, that what was called an ordinary seaman, could hardly find employment at present, either in the king's or in the merchants' service. He had himself been present at some of the changes which had taken place in France; they resembled more the changes of scenery at a theatre, than any thing else. Every thing was done for stage effect, and whether it was the death of Cæsar; the fall of Byzantium; or the march of Alexander, it seemed to Frenchmen almost equally indifferent. I the invasion of Britain was to be produced

prodated, it might have stage effect
enough to draw 400,000 volunteers
jun in the procession. Under
se circumstances, he wished that
a country should always be in a
tation to call together speedily a
naval force,to frustrate any at-
fepts on the part of the enemy.
Mr. Sturges supported the reso-
from his idea of the neces-
of a large establishment; but
presed surprize that ministers
assigned no reason for this in-
and earnestly hoped that it
be yet possible to continue

peace.

opinions generally, that such a force is immediately necessary for the defence of the state. He believed, that without speaking from any exclusive information his majesty's ministers might have, there were sufficient circumstances known by every man in that house and in the country, to induce a very general opinion, that our military establish ments ought to be increased. He wished, however, that the country would endeavour to continue the peace, in the true spirit of peace; a spirit which was perfectly consistent with the national honor; but free from that degree of irritation, which, if pursued, could answer no one good end, but must inevitably lead to hostilities. It had been usual for that house, without much observation, to vote such peace establishment for the year, as ministers should declare to be necessary. It was not, however, merely on this ground of confidence, that ministers relied for the support of the house; there were abundant circumstances known to the whole world, to make an increased establishment a thing of evident and absolute necessity.

Captain Markham defended the act of the admiralty board, in diction of the instances aded by sir Sidney Smith. Led Hawkesbury said, it was al for ministers to preface os of this nature with many tions; but, in the present ce, he thought it more pecunecessary, as it was geneunderstood at the time of disthe address, that our estaents were to be considerably d. Ministers had then disy avowed their intentions of pag such an increase. It was mon for ministers to give such Mr. Canning professed to be saplanation; it was very uncom- tisfied with the explanation of his to demand it from them. As noble friend (lord Hawkesbury), permanent establisment, that and if such an explanation had been certainly a fit subject for par- given before the resolutions were tary discussion; but the esta- brought forward, he thought it which ministers might would have prevented all discussion. ecessary for the year, de- He allowed that it was always neupon their opinion of the cessary to be prepared, not only of affairs, that, they were against the hostility, but against at berty to disclose. It was the perfidy of France. We should are absolutely necessary to be prepared against the attack of

L

cech confidence in whoever

our foreign possessions, and the

the ministers, as to give them possible event of invasion, not only When they declared their

on the first declaration of war, but

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