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America, and the manner in which they were supplanting us in the affections of the people, ceased to be a subject of alarm. Yet, things had been so organised, that the sailing of three frigates to three isolated points, which it was out of our power to watch, with twenty thousand stand of arms each, would not only have broken, for ever, the Spanish sceptre, in the Western hemisphere, and destroyed our own influence, but would have given the French that same ascendency they acquired, by aiding the revolutionary struggle of the United States.

The second event, as far as it relates to the duration of the constitution, was perfectly foreseen; as will be evinced by the strictures on that singular speculation of law, which were both written and printed, long before the late revolution in Madrid, took place. Not that it could be anticipated, that Ferdinand, or rather his counsellors, would reek their vengeance on the New Cortes, which, if at all founded, ought to have fallen on the old ones. Had their conduct to Spanish America, been one of the motives alleged for this harsh treatment, the world would not have been so much astonished, or those who wish well to Spain, so much scandalized. And, yet, even the old Cortes, though they have rendered Spanish America, the seat of anarchy, bloodshed, and destruction, had, nevertheless, sav

ed one half of the monarchy to its rightful possessor, and had acted as a shield against the most pressing dangers. This event has, more than ever, confirmed me in the opinion, that nothing but the mediatory interference of Great Britain, under such a general clash of interests, such a prevalence of irritated feelings, and under such systems as those likely again to prevail in Spain, can ever restore peace to the ultramarine provinces, in a manner consistent with reason and justice; or establish permanent harmony, on the basis of general good. If so, and since every month's delay, is the murder of thousands, ought one moment to be lost, in relieving universal affliction and distress?

If I have any thing to add to the explanation of my views in publishing this exposé, it is, to implore the benevolent exertions of my fellow-citizens, to urge relief for suffering humanity; and, in order, that the brightest prospects that ever opened on our mercantile enterprize, may not be marred. The memorials sending up from the manufacturing towns, respecting a retention of trade to Spanish America, sufficiently, indicate the public interest felt upon this occasion; yet, what can be our prospects of trade, in a country desolated by civil war? Let us not appear selfish, humanity is the spring on which we are to act. Let all, with a

firm and decided voice, express the necessity under which England stands, of giving peace to Spanish America; and after aiding to extend the olive branch over the old world, to pronounce it as her sacred duty, to see that its benign effects are equally diffused to the new one. Peace must be the precursor of all definitive arrangements, let its basis only be liberal, and it will not only be advantageous to all parties; but will, eventually, confer the most lasting benefits on the world at large.

London, June 8, 1814.

TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS,

THE

PRINCE REGENT

Of the United Kingdoms,

&c. &c. &c.

SIR,

WHEN a private individual presumes

to address one, of the exalted rank of your Royal Highness in these United Kingdoms, the subject-matter, he proposes to discuss, ought not only to be of a transcendent and national interest, but the language of his appeal, ought to be, besides, respectful, and divested of every spirit of party and fallacious reasoning. If he anticipates a favourable result from what he has got to disclose, correct details ought to form the basis of his exposé, and impartial truth, ought to be preeminently conspicuous in his display of facts.

These essential requisites, will, I hope, be found in the pages I have now the honour to submit to your Royal Highness; nor will it, perhaps, be deemed presumptive, if I call your attention to a subject, not of temporary, but of lasting and genuine importance to us, as a maritime and commercial people; and of vital interest to us, during our present expensive war-system, and the great continental combination formed against our resources.

B

At a

period, then, when our increased sacrifices press heavy on the revenue of the country, and whilst a fearful and an eventful tragedy is acting on the grand theatre of Europe, may I be allowed to lay before your Royal Highness, the following considerations, dictated by the most pure and unbiased interest for our national welfare; and which have for object, to stop the ravages of war, and to quench the flames of civil feuds in the great continent of Spanish America; to turn its lost resources against the common enemy; to open new sources of intercourse and vent for our stagnant trade ; to promote the influx of precious metals, and the entry of manufacturing raw materials; to connect us by indissoluble ties, by the double ones of gratitude and interest, with a population larger than our own; in short, to add greatly to our wealth and prosperity, and by thus contributing largely to our own strength and resources, to establish a lasting and powerful check on the views of our enemies.

Great and comprehensive as are the subjects to be discussed in the following sheets, I will, nevertheless, endeavour to unfold them, in as brief and plain a manner as their complexity will admit; I will do it with a correctness and solemnity suited to the importance of the matter in view, and the present momentous crisis of human events; well aware, that in appealing to your Royal Highness's judgment and feelings, I not only present a fair, an interesting opportunity, of following the dictates of humanity, of exercising those manly and benign principles and virtues, which have ever formed the characteristics of your Royal Highness's illustrious house; but I, also, afford the means of promoting the national welfare of that empire, over

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