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said he meant to take as part of his own column,-he resolved to seize and occupy Majuba without delay.1

I think it is a perfectly fair criticism that he should not have attempted this occupation of Majuba till he had a stronger force under his immediate command- -a force available either to reinforce the troops on the hill, or to follow up the Boers at once, and occupy Laing's Nek as soon as they evacuated it in consequence of his occupation of Majuba. But it is almost certain that in seeking for the cause of anything in Colley's actions which may seem obscure, we shall not go far astray if we seek first for some chivalrous motive, and I have already stated some such motives for his hastening the movement, the immediate determining cause being the apparent intention of the enemy to fortify the hill.

Another perfectly fair criticism is that Colley did not at once have the position entrenched. His motive for this, right or wrong, seem to me perfectly clear. I feel


that, for the reasons I have already given, he believed the hill, even without entrenchments, to be safe against assault. Holding this opinion, he wished to let the men rest before undertaking this labour. For this statement I have the authority of Herbert Stewart, who said the same to Sir Garnet Wolseley. Even when there was light enough to show the ground, and Colley


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had selected sites for redoubts on the hill-top, "the general," says Herbert Stewart in his report (see p. 379 of the Life), "decided that he would not at once commence their construction, considering that the men might be fatigued by a march which, although short, was nevertheless severe.' As William Butler shortly puts it, "the sense of security was the real explanation of the non- entrenchment." A false sense of security, no doubt; but Colley is not the only general who, under such sense, deliberately, for the sake of giving rest to his men, did not take precautionary measures. In my review of Lieut.-Col. Henderson's Life of Stonewall Jackson, in 'Maga' for last December, I called attention to a similar case (the march to Manassas in 1861) in the following words:

"Jackson's brigade led the advance. The men did their best; but the want of practice in marching, the absence of that habit of discipline which produces order, caused unnecessary fatigue and delay, and the men arrived at their first bivouac so exhausted that Jackson would not even put out outposts, but saying, 'Let the poor fellows sleep, I will

watch the camp myself," himself stood sentry over his unconscious troops."

When I wrote that, Butler's Life of Colley had not appeared, and Majuba was not in my mind. It did not enter into my head to criticise or blame Stonewall Jackson's deliberate act, extraordinary as it

1 It was not till the morning after the occupation of the hill that he sent back tó Newcastle to bring up the 15th Hussars and the remainder of the 60th Rifles.

was. I felt that he had acted according to the best of his judgment, and that he was in a far better position to judge what was best than I could

possibly be. But, as Colley says (p. 367), "It is a strange world of chances; one can only do what seems right to one in matters of morals, and do what seems best in matters of judgment as a card - player calculates the chances, and the wrong card may turn up, and everything turn out to be done for the worst instead of for the best." Stonewall Jackson doubtless calculated upon freedom from all danger of attack, owing to his distance from the enemy, and their ignorance of his movements. The result justified his judgment. Colley doubtless calculated upon freedom from all danger if attacked, owing to the natural strength of his position. The result did not justify his judgment. Had Jackson been attacked, history would have judged him severely. Had the Boer attack on Majuba failed, Colley would have been praised, as Jackson is, for his care and thoughtfulness for his men. The attack succeeded, and so, of course, Colley is severely judged.

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says Mr Carter, "of every reply I got." So that the sense of security was felt by the men as strongly as by the general.

When Herbert Stewart (afterwards mortally wounded at Gubat), who was Colley's chief staff officer at this time, and was captured after Majuba, returned to England from his captivity in the Transvaal, he sent to me asking me to come to him, that he might tell me the whole story. I dined with him the second night after his arrival in London, and we sat on till far into the small hours of the morning, while he gave me details of what had occurred. I have the sketch of the position which he drew for me while he talked. All that he told me then coincides with Sir William Butler's description of the day.

But the lips of the only man who could have told us all are sealed in death. If the reader will turn back to Colley's speech, made nearly eight years before at the United Service Institu-. tion, he will see how absolutely his description of how battles are lost and won came true,— the infantry fighting that assumed the character of an artillery duel-alas! how unequal a duel!-the intensity of the concentrated, sustained, and everincreasing fire-the retreat of the defenders which preceded the final advance of the assailants.

"If," wrote Sir John Moore to Lady Hester Stanhope in 1808, "I extricate myself and those with me from our present difficulties, and if I beat the French, I shall return to you


with satisfaction; but if not, it will be better I shall never quit Spain." Can any one doubt that the same thought was in Colley's mind as he stood alone at the last supreme moment?

And so, alone, with his face to the foe, he fell, that incarnate soul of chivalry.

I will end with extracts from letters written to me immediately after Colley's death by the two men who knew him best, the two for whom he had given all that was in him of noble, loyal service.

Lord Lytton thus wrote to me on 5th March :

"Yes; we have a common loss, and our sorrows are in the same boatCharon's boat, alas! We could not wish him to have survived that inexplicable catastrophe, which has so prematurely closed a life of the rarest

worth, in which the noblest elements of human character and the finest intellectual powers were completely united. And, whilst his fate was still uncertain, I felt sure that he would not have left that disastrous field alive. It is perhaps the best, as it was the only fitting, end to this heart-breaking tragedy; for it has at least imposed silence on the many mean mouths that were opening to libel the memory of one who was the bravest, as he was also the wisest, of England's young soldier statesmen. But 'oh! the pity of it, Iago !'"

A letter to me of 3rd March, from Sir Garnet Wolseley, ended with these words: "My heart is sick and I am low in spirit. I shall never see Colley's like again."

Farewell, friend and comrade!

"Thou art the ruins of the noblest man That ever lived in the tide of times."


1 The Life and Letters of Lady Hester Stanhope. By her Niece, the Duchess of Cleveland.


DENNIS was hearty when Dennis was young,
High was his step in the jig that he sprung,
He had the looks an' the sootherin' tongue,-
An' he wanted a girl wid a fortune.

Nannie was grey-eyed an' Nannie was tall,
Fair was the face hid in-undher her shawl,
Troth! an' he liked her the best o' them all,—
But she'd not a traneen to her fortune.

He be to look out for a likelier match,
So he married a girl that was counted a catch,
An' as ugly as need be, the dark little patch,-
But that was a thrifle, he told her.

She brought him her good-lookin' gould to admire, She brought him her good-lookin' cows to his byre, But far from good-lookin' she sat by his fire,

An' paid him that "thrifle" he tould her.

He met pretty Nan when a month had gone by,
An' he thought like a fool to get round her he'd try;
Wid a smile on her lip an' a spark in her eye,—

She said, "How is the woman that owns ye?"

Och, never be tellin' the life that he's led!
Sure, many's the night that he'll wish himself dead,
For the sake o' two eyes in a pretty girl's head,-

An' the tongue o' the woman that owns him.



PHYSICAL education is apt to be viewed from a very limited standpoint it may be well at the outset, therefore, to define the compass of the subject on strictly practical lines. The mere exercise of boys in elementary drill and gymnastics, without the careful consideration of the physical condition and the special requirements of individuals, does not constitute physical education; nor yet, on the other hand, does an elaborate system of intricate drill and gymnastics, which has for its object the production of professional athletes or trained soldiers. Physical education is as extensive and varied in its character as the school life of the boy its influence, properly directed, should be felt in the class room, the playground, and the dormitory, and its laws should regulate the diet and dress of the pupil. Those who have studied the growth and development of boys for a series of years alone know the many and great difficulties to be overcome, and the grave and deep problems to be solved, in order that boys may be sent out from school in the best physical condition to stand the strain and stress of after - life. The true aim, then, of physical education is the training of boys under a system which concerns itself with the air they breathe, the food they eat, the lives they live, in order that they may begin the work of life with a large

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reserve fund of health and stamina.

It is a mistake to suppose that much time and an elaborate system of apparatus are required for the development of boys: in fact, excellent results may be obtained by devoting a short time, day by day, to a carefully thought-out scheme of movements, aided by some simple apparatus. It is, however, of primary importance that the school games, gymnastics, drill, and other forms of exercise, should be so arranged that they do not overlap each other, but that each should supplement the others in producing the best possible physical condition. All schools do not agree in the character and extent of the forms of physical exercise practised among them, but the great bulk of them include in their physical programme football, cricket, athletics, gymnastics, and drill. tics, and drill. As a rule, football is played from October to the end of February; athletics are practised during March and the first fortnight of April; while cricket is played throughout the Summer term. The best results, both from the point of view of games and physical condition, are obtained by

playing no more than two practice games and one football match a-week. On the off football days, gymnastics, drill, and cross-country running should be engaged in. During the athletic season, cadet corps

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