Lu-han line as in their possession, and even imply that it is a kind of defence against Russian designs! And we find the Tsungli-Yamên, with all these arguments before them, furtively, and in desperate haste, -because they had given their word to Sir C. Macdonald that they would not do it,-rushing through a contract which gives over the possession of that very line to Russia; for, as the China Association pithily puts the matter, "the real control rests with the predominant partner in the alliance, which seems to hold China in its grip."

The remedy proposed for these dangers to China is to build a line from Hankow to Canton. It is not plain to the common understanding in what way that line is to counteract the effect of all the others; but if we consider that Shêng himself is the promoter of the Canton line-and very far from disinterested we may read the whole memorial as a mere plea for that project, the denunciations of the craft and subtility of foreign countries being but a Chinese form of preamble. The association of two men with such different records as Shêng and Chang can only be appreciated by those who know which will be the dominant partner in the firm when there is "money in it." Such discussions afford us a glimpse of what Chinese statesmanship is, -a glimpse, however, which carries us no further than the conclusion of the poet that "the heathen Chinee is peculiar." Could we but draw from the exhibition the prac

tical inference that it is vain to play with players into the unfathomed depths of whose sleeves we are unable to penetrate!

In

The dispute about the extension of the settlement in Shanghai forms a very important subject of comment. The French have always separated themselves from the cosmopolitan community of Shanghai, maintaining their own jurisdiction within the elastic limits of their settlement. area it is out of all proportion to that which has for so many years been sufficient for the accommodation of all other nations; but since the recent commotion in China, the French have considered that large as their settlement (or concession as they like to call it) is now, it is not nearly sufficient for their purpose. Hence they have claimed an enormous extension, which, if granted to them, would include much property at present owned by British subjects and others. At the same time,

66

the real needs of the cosmopolitan community, which is a growing one and transacts practically the whole business of the port, have become very pressing. They also require a large addition to the ground they at present occupy, not for political purposes, which by the mere presence of mixed nationalities are precluded, but solely for

business accommodation and residence. The claims of the general community conflict with the special claims of the French, and while Great Britain protests against the unwarranted extension of

litan-are attempting to block the way to any extension of the general foreign settlement. On this point it is satisfactory to find that Lord Salisbury is both clear and firm. "No matter under what regulations," he telegraphed on the 24th December, 66 we cannot agree that any British property should be given over to be administered by the French;" and he significantly adds, "In refusing this demand we will support the Chinese materially." Later on he took strong objection to any extension of the French concession, on the further ground that the proposal was at variance with the engagement given by the Chinese Government as to the non alienation of any territory lying in the Yangtse region to another Power. Her Majesty's Government therefore absolutely declined to consent to the arrangement, and to clench the whole matter, Lord Salisbury concludes with the very short sentence: It will be well to ask the Admiral to send another ship to Shanghai."

Thus, then, we have at last got on to something like solid ground, just enough for the sole of our foot, in China: we are prepared, as in the old time, to assert our rights and to defend them. More than that the people of England have no right to ask; less than that they will no longer tolerate. Such plain announcements urbi et orbi will smooth the path of British policy in every part of the world. It re

commerce,

financiers, adven

turers of all kinds, to see that this policy is maintained, and to require that it shall be strictly applied. Relying on treaties will not help us against people banded together to subvert them. Assurances, no matter from what quarter, have been proved for the thousandth time to be empty wind. Whatever we have gained in China will be lost if we neglect to utilise and follow it up. Henceforth it must be clear to all that what we desire we must take with every form of ceremony that does not bar the acquisition. We are not likely to copy the violence of other nations; but our interests are greater than theirs, and by all proper means we must defend them. It is satisfactory to observe that the commercial representatives of this country are becoming alive to the interests which they possess in China. The Associated Chambers of Commerce, at their opening meeting, gave forth no uncertain sound on this important question. Mr Keswick, M.P., led off the proceedings with a resolution expressing satisfaction with the action taken by the Government for the protection of commercial interests in China, and urging them to maintain vigorously the policy of the open door for commerce throughout the Chinese empire, and the prior British rights in the Yangtse Valley and its watershed, and at all ports and settlements where British interests and business have been

established and have predominated for many years.

If further proof were needed that the commercial class have been strung up to a sensitive appreciation of their interest in the Far East, it would be afforded by the amendment to Mr Keswick's resolution, proposed by Mr Joseph Walton, M.P. This was to omit the words "expressing satisfaction with the action taken by the Government," and it went on to point out in vigorous terms the necessity of upholding our position. He denied that England could claim even to-day any special sphere of influence even in the Yangtse Valley, and that we were far from receiving equal treatment with our rivals in China. So amended, the resolution was passed unanimously by that most important and representative congress, whose action no doubt will give a clue to that of all local associations throughout the country.

The annual report of that very active body, the China Association, comes opportunely to give emphasis to, and fill up the gaps in, the correspondence presented to Parliament. With regard to the Yangtse region in particular, the Association has done well to remind us that protection of that important zone of Central China is no new idea. there that our greatest commercial interests are consolidated, it is there that our political influence has been more than anywhere in the ascendant for many years. We had arranged to defend it for China

It is

during a dispute with Russia about Kuldja in 1880; again, during her war with France in 1884, we distinctly warned the French off the Yangtse Valley, and thus their coercive measures against China were limited to a naval patrol of the coast. Finally, during the war with Japan in 1894, Great Britain once more asserted her interest in that region, and intimated to the invader her readiness to defend the mouth of the river at all costs. Thus it is no political doctrine extemporised for the occasion that we should claim the integrity of the Yangtse Valley, but a principle of policy resting on a respectable historical basis. What remains is

to give full practical effect to the claim, of which we trust that Lord Salisbury's dictum. about the French concession in Shanghai may be taken as an earnest.

We may sum up the whole matter by insisting on the active, well-considered realisation of all our rights and claims, trusting to no paper titles, no goodwill of any Power, or group of Powers, with a decent regard to the feelings of the Chinese Government so long as they are reasonable, but without entering on exhausting controversies with that inanimate body, the Tsungli-Yamên. For we must remember that as yet there is only promise, but little in the way of achievement; and with regard to the Yangtse Valley 'tself, absolutely nothing has been done to secure our position there excepting the declaration of Lord Salisbury with regard

established and have predominated for many years.

If further proof were needed that the commercial class have been strung up to a sensitive appreciation of their interest in the Far East, it would be afforded by the amendment to Mr Keswick's resolution, proposed by Mr Joseph Walton, M.P. This was to omit the words "expressing satisfaction with the action taken by the Government," and it went on to point out in vigorous terms the necessity of upholding our position. He denied that England could claim even to-day any special sphere of influence even in the Yangtse Valley, and that we were far from receiving equal treatment with our rivals in China. So amended, the resolution was passed unanimously by that most important and representative congress, whose action no doubt will give a clue to that of all local associations throughout the country.

The annual report of that very active body, the China Association, comes opportunely to give emphasis to, and fill up the gaps in, the correspondence presented to Parliament. With regard to the Yangtse region in particular, the Association has done well to remind us that protection of that important zone of Central China is no new idea. It is there that our greatest commercial interests are consolidated, it is there that our political influence has been more than anywhere in the ascendant for many years. We had arranged to defend it for China

during a dispute with Russia about Kuldja in 1880; again, during her war with France in 1884, we distinctly warned the French off the Yangtse Valley, and thus their coercive measures against China were limited to a naval patrol of the coast. Finally, during the war with Japan in 1894, Great Britain once more asserted her interest in that region, and intimated to the invader her readiness to defend the mouth of the river at all costs. Thus it is no political doctrine extemporised for the occasion that we should claim the integrity of the Yangtse Valley, but a principle of policy resting on a respectable historical basis. What remains is to give full practical effect to the claim, of which we trust that Lord Salisbury's dictum about the French concession in Shanghai may be taken as an earnest.

We may sum up the whole matter by insisting on the active, well-considered realisation of all our rights and claims, trusting to no paper titles, no goodwill of any Power, or group of Powers, with a decent regard to the feelings of the Chinese Government so long as they are reasonable, but without entering on exhausting controversies with that inanimate body, the Tsungli-Yamên. For we must remember that as yet there is only promise, but little in the way of achievement; and with regard to the Yangtse Valley 'tself, absolutely nothing has been done to secure our position there excepting the declaration of Lord Salisbury with regard