THE PRESENT PHASE OF THE

TEMPERANCE QUESTION.

OTHING has pleased me better in Messrs. Rowntree and

*

the

Sherwell's book than the composite title they have chosen for it" The Temperance Problem and Social Reform." Two factors are here combined, two forces, which have been too long unnaturally sandered. Their reunion is of great significance. For the movement for social reform in this country-which has gathered strength no less from religious than from economic convictions, and is destined to transform in time many of the features of our common life—has of late years been directed almost too exclusively to the material environment of man, rather than to the man himself. The hours of labour, the rate of wages, the employment of children, workmen's compensation, old-age pensions, municipal enterprise these are typical of the problems which have engrossed the minds intent on social reform. In the discussion of such problems socialist leaders, and academical professors have betrayed an evident, though often unconscious, recoil from the temperance movement. Partly this was because the earlier temperance advocates, in their wonder at a great discovery and in the ardour of a new faith, pictured temperance as the one cure of all social evils, rather than as the indispensable condition of all social reform. Partly also those pioneers, because they laid such stress on thrift, self-reliance, and the virtues of the ethically strong, gave the impression of being devotees of individualism, and thus awoke the antagonism of the collectivist. And yet it is certain that this mutual estrangement of two great groups of social reformers was due to sheer misunderstanding, and must come to an end. For it is the reverse of true to suppose that the arguments for prohibition

• The Temperance Problem and Social Reform." By Joseph Rowntree, author of "Temperance Legislation," "A Neglected Aspect of the Temperance Question," &c., and Arthur Sherwell, author of "Life in West London," &c. London: Hodder and Stoughton. 1899.

are based on individualism. As a matter of fact, when the United Kingdom Alliance was formed in 1853, it was found that the old Manchester School stood generally aloof. The idea of interfering with individual habits, and of making the convenience of the few give way for the advantage and happiness of the whole, seemed too socialistic for the temper of the time. It would be no exaggeration to assert that the movement for permissive prohibition was the first and early blossom of English collectivism.

The volume before us indicates that these misunderstandings are in a fair way of disappearing. The authors, who have the strongest collectivist leaning, and whose whole work is virtually a plea for municipalisation, have adduced the most powerful and convincing arguments to prove the truth of Cobden's dictum-" The Temperance Cause lies at the foundation of all social and political reform." This constitutes the significance of the book. This is why it is being so widely read. We see now where we are. The severance between temperance reform and social reform is to cease. The two streams henceforth are to flow in one channel, and their combined volume will be irresistible. But the social reformer, in making anew the acquaintance of the prohibitionist, while he finds him just where he was before, finds him also considerably changed. He is older than he was, and wiser; if he has had little to unlearn he has had much to learn. He has abated not one jot of his convictions; he believes as much as ever he did in total abstinence for the individual, and in total prohibition for the community. But he has attained a wider culture; he has cast aside some sophisms; he has studied and taken a vigorous share in most modern movements. He sees plainly that temperance reform is only one part-however essential a part of the great problem of social amelioration. He is ready to sympathise with other efforts, willing to proceed by any steps, however short or slow (if so it must be), that lead inevitably to the ultimate goal. This is, briefly, the present situation. This gives its interest to the volume I wish to speak of. It marks a definite and important moment in the progress of social reform. And now for the book itself.

I.

The first two chapters are devoted to the most terrible indictment of the liquor traffic that has ever been penned. Calm in statement, but bristling with facts and arguments, they prove that until the consumption of drink in our land is enormously curtailed, and the power of the liquor trade effectually crippled, there is no hope for moral and social progress, no security for national welfare or safety. Employing various avenues of observation the authors arrive at the conclusion that at least one-sixth of the earnings of the working

classes is spent on drink; that the economic results of this expenditure are disastrous to the health and efficiency of the workers, and therefore to the whole community. The purely medical argument is not elaborated as it might have been; and I may say in passing that I wonder the whole body of medical men has been so slow to estimate and to proclaim aloud the effects of alcoholic excess upon the vitality of our people.* Our authors, however, place in a very strong light the injury done to industrial efficiency through the discomforts inflicted on the workers by their ruinous extravagance in drink. The money absolutely needed for wholesome food and healthy enjoyment is spent on a demoralising and poisonous drug, which debilitates every faculty, and hastens the victim (and alas! his children also) into the ranks of the unfit. Next (in Chapter ii.) the authors deal with the "Social and Political Menace" of the drink trade. They show how the objects of the "Trade Defence Associations" are avowed in passages like the following: "To aid in securing to the trade such Parliamentary, Municipal, and Parochial representation as is necessary for the protection of its interests"; "to secure by all legal means, regardless of party politics, the return to the House of Commons, and other elected bodies, of candidates favourable to Trade interests." Such quotations might be multiplied ad infinitum. But they are not needed; those of us who take an active part in municipal or other politics are perfectly aware that what "the saloon" is in American politics the public-house is fast becoming in English politics. There are very many English boroughs where the mere mention of the Watch Committee raises a laugh of derision or a feeling of bitter resentment in the minds of good citizens. And why? Because it is notorious that the most direct and effective way of defeating the good government of a town and securing a lax oversight of the drink traffic is to bring the Town Council and its Watch Committee (which controls the police) under the influence of the liquor interest; and with what success this is done those who are in the secrets of our municipal politics know too well. Our authors are within the mark when they say (p. 116):

"Not only are there the glaring scandals of Manchester and Wigan, but abundant evidence is given in respect of other large towns (e.g., Liverpool, Derby, Nottingham, Hull, Brighton, and Devonport; also the County of

It is almost certainly proved that alcoholic excess shortens the average life of our people by ten years, if not more. An examination of the figures which sum up the lifeexperience of the Independent Order of Rechabites, the Sons of Temperance, and other Teetotal Benefit Societies, by first-rate medical and scientific men, would yield valuable results. The returns of Insurance Societies, like the Sceptre Insurance Society and others, which accept both abstaining and non-abstaining lives, and keep a separate account of each class, strongly confirm the view, that the use of alcoholic beverages even in a degree confessedly moderate tends materially to shorten life. It is likely to be seen ere long that Temperance Reform is the most important branch of Sanitary Reform. When medical authorities seriously take this question in hand, their pronouncement will have an important influence upon social habits and average opinion.

Bedford), to show that the evils which have been so disastrous in the civic life of the United States are already beginning to assert themselves in the municipal life of this country. . . . It has been the purpose of this chapter to set forth... the danger to the State through the attempt on the part of a wealthy monopolist trade to obtain control of the sources of imperial and local power, and to use such power in the interests of its monopoly, apart from other considerations. It has been shown that this trade possesses enormous wealth, and a highly efficient organisation, capable of exerting through its local instruments-i.e., the licensed houses-a direct and powerful influence upon the electorate. The independence of Parliament and the purity of municipal life are alike imperilled."

This aspect of the drink question, though painfully familiar to advanced temperance workers, has not received hitherto the attention it demands. We owe a debt to the authors for this masterly chapter.

II.

What, then, are their positive proposals for reform ?

Here, again, on most points, the writers are in agreement with the main body of temperance opinion. They insist that, after a fixed date, licences shall be reduced to a legal maximum-say, of 1:1000 of the population in towns, and 1:600 in the country. pensation they are equally orthodox (p. 333):

On Com

"On the ground of abstract right, strong reasons may be urged against any form of compensation for the non-renewal of a licence after the expiration of the period for which the licence was granted. The risk of non-renewal is the condition under which this monopoly trade, carrying monopoly profits, is conducted. But, with a view to the practical settlement of an urgent national question, we think it is clear that the line of least resistance will be a short time notice, possibly accompanied by a provision. for money compensation if the time period should be anticipated by the action of the community."

No less emphatic are the writers on the rightful claims of Local Veto (p. 334):

"If any village, town, or city, or any district of a town or city, wished to be without a public-house, it should be able by a popular vote to give effect to its wish, independently of any previous decision of the licensing authority. The majority required to give effect to the veto should, however, in no case be less than two-thirds of those voting. If one or more wards in a city vetoed the placing of any licensed house within its limits, such licences should be actually cancelled, and not added to the number allotted to the other wards."

Up to this point our authors are only repeating with emphasis the creed of the orthodox temperance reformer. But here they begin to make an important distinction. They argue, indeed, from a review of the experience of America, Canada, and Scandinavia, that local permissive prohibition would work admirably in all rural and semirural districts, and even in some favourable areas of cities. That is

to say, reckoning the population of England and Wales in round figures at 30,000,000, at least one-third of that population might be expected to be able to prohibit the common sale of intoxicating liquors, and to derive unmixed benefit from their exclusion. This is a very large and important admission. Its importance increases when we reflect that, although the population of the towns seems to be steadily increasing at the expense of the rural population, this very drift makes it the more necessary that the rural districts should be maintained at the highest possible level of moral and physical health. The new blood of the villages is constantly recruiting the degenerate population of the towns. But our authors take great pains to show that prohibition cannot succeed, as a rule, in the towns. It always answers in the sparse population of the country; in the densely congested areas of the city, they assure us, it is a failure. I will say

What can be done liquor traffic in Of course, under

a few words later on this subject. For the present let us frankly allow, supposing the power of Local Veto were granted to-morrow, that many localities would be slow in putting it in force, that many communities would not at once be educated up to the level of prohibition, and that these areas would chiefly be in the great towns. to mitigate, if we cannot remove, the evils of the places that cannot, or will not, effectively prohibit? the scheme of our authors, there would at once be a great diminution of the number of licences. They would, by law, be brought down to a proportion not exceeding one per thousand of population. In other words, they would be reduced to one-fourth or one-fifth of their present number. But such a reduction, while being a very imperfect remedy for present evils, would introduce fresh mischiefs of its own. It would enormously enhance the market value of the remaining licensed houses, and would intensify the struggle of the "trade" to secure its interests by every art of social and political intrigue. The public-house (so our authors argue) would be as great a force in politics as ever. We should be introducing in England the evils which flow in America from what is known as "High Licence." High Licence." It is also to be remembered that the mere restriction of the number of houses does not necessarily diminish the consumption of drink, and unless that result is achieved, all effort is worthless. We have an excellent object lesson on this subject at our doors. Since 1869 the restrictive the number of on-licences

action of our licensing justices has reduced in England and Wales from 117,488 to 97,014, and this in spite of a great increase of population. Yet the quantity of alcohol consumed per head has increased from 4 to 4.2 gallons of proof spirits. Why is this? The answer is twofold. First, the mere diminution of the number of drink shops is followed by the rebuilding and improvement of the houses that remain; they are made more prominent, commodious, and alluring; they succeed in doing a brisker