While new improvements are made in the arts, and new discoveries are made in science; while the moral tone of society is becoming more and more healthy, and each year adds to our veneration and regard for the Constitution, who can proclaim the extent of our greatness as a nation?

What ground is there, then, for the senseless cry that our brilliant destiny has reached its meridian? What is there to produce so melancholy a result? The treachery of individuals cannot effect it. There is no approaching danger from without. No internal dissensions of so alarming a character, as to threaten so terrible a disaster.

The fears of those who dread a dissolution of the Union are as idle as the wishes of the dissatisfied and depraved, who would gladly produce so disastrous a result to gratify their own selfish views. Such an event might have occurred in the infancy of this republic, when patriots doubted the capacity of the people for self-government. But now, when that problem has been solved, when the public heart beats with almost idolatrous love for that Constitu

What will be the result of the settlement of the country bordering upon the Pacific? Hitherto our enterprising citizens have gone westward until the farthest west is occupied. Will California and Oregon arrest the onward movement of the Americans? No! They will diverge to the south and overrun Mexico; not, it is true, as the Goths and Vandals ravaged the possessions of the Romans; and then, if the citizens of Japan still refuse to enter into commercial regulations, a little of that persuasion will be employed which so effectually moderated the tone of the Chinese towards the English. It will not be extraordinary if the citizens of the United States before the lapse of another century, should gain a foothold upon Asia, and either overawe and control the natives, or drive them back upon the Europeans.

tion which, for more than half a century, has proved the palladium of our liberties, who can be guilty of such folly as to suppose that the masses will submit to its destruction?

The people understand fully the object of a few disorganizers at the north and south. They appreciate to the full value, and no more, the threats at encroachment or dissolution which are so freely used. They can listen to this with some patience; but let threats be followed by a single overt act, and they will hang the traitors as high as Haman was hung.

The thanks of Congress were voted repeatedly to the army for their gallant conduct in the face of the enemy. On the 16th of July, 1846, a joint resolution, presenting the thanks of Congress to General Taylor, his officers and men, for their fortitude, skill, enterprise and courage upon the Rio Grande, was approved by the President. Similar resolutions passed Congress March 2d, 1847, March 9th, 1848, and August 7th, 1848, tendering the thanks of Congress to General Taylor and his men for the victory of Monterey and Buena Vista; and to General Scott, his officers and men, for the bril liant campaign of 1847; and to the officers, sailors and marines, for their zeal and ability before the walls of Vera Cruz, and the castle of San Juan de Ulloa.*

*"An exciting scene characterized an attempt to pass a resolution tendering the thanks of Congress to several general officers. Mr. Chase of Tennessee, on the 21st of February, 1848, introduced certain resolutions for that purpose. The question before the House was, 'Shall the

This was not only done, but substantial benefits were conferred, with great liberality, upon the private soldiers, in the shape of bounties and bounty lands.

main question be now put?' when Mr. John Quincy Adams, in the attempt to address the Speaker, was seized apparently with the agonies of death, and was borne to the Rotunda, and thence to the Speaker's room, where after lingering a few days he expired."-Congressional Globe, 1st session 30th Congress, p. 381.

CHAPTER.X.

The Tariff-Opinions of Messrs. Clay and Polk upon that question.—Message of Mr. Polk.-Report of the Secretary of the Treasury.-Passage of the Tariff of 1846.-Arguments of the friends and opponents of free trade. -The Constitutional Treasury established.-Discussions in the Constitutional Convention-Public Debt of the United States.-Proposed Tax upon Tea and Coffee.

THE tariff was a prominent question in the presidential contest of 1844. The act of 1842 had violated the principles of the compromise of 1833,* and the exciting subject, instead of being put "to rest for ever," was again to be decided by the American people. The principles of the two candidates upon this interesting and difficult question, were well defined prior to the termination of their congressional career. Mr. Polk was thoroughly committed to the policy of a revenue tariff, and Mr. Clay, when the compromise act was under discussion, pledged the party favorable to protection, to a reduction of the tariff to a revenue standard.+ Previous to his nomi

* "The present tariff law is sufficiently discriminating; holds to common sense, and rejects the principles of the Compromise Act, I hope, for ever."-Mr. Webster's Speech at Faneuil Hall, September, 1842.

"I am anxious to find out some principles of mutual accommodation, to satisfy, as far as practicable, both parties; to increase the stability of our legislation; and, at some distant day-but not too distant, when we take into view the magnitude of the interests which are involved-to bring down the rate of duties to that revenue standard for which our opponents

nation for the presidency, Mr. Clay made a speech at Raleigh, in which he advocated discriminating duties for the protection of domestic industry." This was followed by his letter, in September, 1844, to a whig committee in Pennsylvania, in which he gave in his adhesion to the tariff of 1842. Alarmed at the prospect of losing votes in the Southern States, by his opposition to the annexation of Texas, he saw certain defeat in the future, unless he could rally to his support the people of the North. This produced one concession after another, until he had abandoned the ground which he occupied in 1833.† No excuse can be offered for this palpable abandonment of principles which had been so solemnly proclaimed; and the words which he uttered in 1833, are a withering rebuke upon the course which he subsequently pursued, and stamp in letters of living fire upon his own forehead, the anathemas which he fulminated in advance against others.

The course pursued by Mr. Polk during that campaign, is by no means free from a just criticism. have so long contended.”—Speech of Mr. Clay in the Senate on a Compromise Act, 1833.

"Here is a basis for accommodation and mutual satisfaction. Let the amount which is requisite for an economical administration of the Government, when we are not engaged in a war, be raised exclusively on foreign imports; and in adjusting a tariff for that purpose, let such discrim inations be made as will foster and encourage our own domestic industry. All parties ought to be satisfied with a tariff for revenue, and discriminations for protection."-Mr. Clay's Raleigh Speech.

"When this was known, what Congress, what Legislature, would mar the guaranty? What man, who is entitled to deserve the character of an American statesman, would stand up in his place in either House of Congress, and disturb the treaty of peace and amity ?"—Mr. Clay's Speech, February 12, 1833.