APPENDIX. THE article in Mr. Willis' Magazine, was written, as itself indicates, from deep feeling, and without any idea of putting it in a separate forın. Whatever objections may be made to it, because of the harshness of some of its expressions, especially when applied to so plausible a production as that in the North American Review, we are fully convinced that it does not contain one, whose severity is not really justified by the truth of the case. We hope the vehemence with which we have freely spoken our sentiments will not prevent any one from weighing well the importance of this crisis, or from examining with candour the statements in our appendix. A passionate zeal, such as we have been wrongly charged with, all might look upon with just contempt; but stubborn facts are a sort of argument, to which none can innocently refuse conviction. We disclaim the charge of passion; at the same time we know it would be criminal, amidst the momentous circumstances in which our country is placed by the agitation of the Indian question, if we should regard its progress with a calm indifference, which we could scarcely exercise in witnessing an experiment in Natural Philosophy. When the moral character of our nation is at stake, no sensibility can be too quick; when the welfare of thousands of our fellow creatures is in danger of being sacrificed, no strength of feeling can be called intemperate. In such a case, if we act from feeling we act right. The only mistake we can commit, when we decide under its influence, is that of carrying the principles of general benevolence too far. And is not this better than that our indifference should make us cruel to our brethren, by preventing us from carrying those principles so far as we ought? On this subject there is certainly no danger of too much feeling; the highest degree of it is not superfluous; it is even necessary, if we would preserve our minds from being paralyzed by the cold and unfeeling sophistry of intriguing politicans. Besides it is a melancholy truth, that virtuous men are almost always less energetic in a good cause, than wicked men in a bad one. "Good works," it is one of Burke's finest remarks, "are commonly left in a rude, unfinished state, through the tame circumspection, with which a timid prudence so frequently enervates beneficence. In doing good, we are generally cold, languid, and sluggish; and of all things afraid of being too much in the right. But the works of malice and injustice are quite in an other style. They are finished with a bold masterly hand; touched as they are, with the spirit of those vehement passions that call forth all our energies whenever we oppress and persecute." The article in the North American Review is undoubtedly the most powerful exhibition that can be presented of all the false reasoning which an inventive mind could suggest, on the wrong side of this question. We hardly ever met with any publication, which contained within the same number of pages so many assertions which are absolutely false, statements which are incorrect, principles which are immoral, and reasonings which are shamefully erroneous. The insinutating sophistry of its paragraphs will be best detected by a constant comparison, as the reader passes over them, with what William Penn has exhibited, in a very plain, sincere, and convincing manner, on the same topics. In pointing out its most important misrepresentations, we shall adopt a course somewhat different. It is well known that this article upon the Indians, in the North American Review for Jan. 1830, was written by Gov. Cass, of the Michigan Territory. The same gentleman was also the author of a long article on the same subject, in the same Review, in the year 1826. We propose to make extracts from both these articles and to exhibit our quotations together in their remarkable contradiction, in order that our readers may know what sort of reliance can be placed in the opinion of an individual, whose ideas are thus blown about by every wind and wave of doctrine, and whose assertions seem to change with the changing administrations of his country. That refutation of a man's falsehood is of all others the most thorough, practical, and convincing, which is drawn from manifest opposition in different portions of his life or writings. We can no longer put faith in any of his declarations, if we find him guilty of self-contradiction in any instance, where the circumstances of the case forbid us even to hope, that such inconsistency could have sprung from mere carelessness or mistake. The scrutiny of motives belong to a higher than any human tribunal, and we shall not positively assert the causes, which we think may have led Gov. Cass in 1830 to so bold and manifest a dereliction from his principles in 1826. But we are at perfect liberty to prove to our readers that on some important points in this question he has belied his old declarations and adopted new ones: and our readers will observe that this inconsistency is in no case justified by any new occurrences which may have happened, or by any new aspect which the question may have put on, in the short period of four years; but that the very reasons on which his former opinions were grounded, remain to this day, with their strength not only in every respect undiminished, but powerfully increased. They will remember likewise that the broad principles of morality and justice are indestructible and unalterable in their nature, and must forever remain so-clear, lofty, and binding-even in the most terrible confusion, not merely of a single republic but of ten thousand worlds. We could not wish for any refutation of the insinuating sophistry of this gentleman more complete in its kind, than he has himself given us the opportunity to make. There are some men, who have to seek fresh principles, with every fresh mail which arrives from Washington. We hope he is not one of thes; otherwise, while we are laboring to expose his false assertions, and before our pamphlet can reach him, he may become of the same opinion with ourselves, and we shall find we have been treading on a shadow. We shall first exhibit his inconsistencies; and afterwards mention and refute some of his false assertions, and display to our readers a specimen of his immoral principles. They are precisely of the same nature with those, out of which the famous Georgia committee undertook not long since to institute a new code of public morality.— 'Accipe Danaum insidias, et crimine ab uno Disce omnes.' We shall also exhibit his garbled and partial representation of legal opinions and acknowledged truths. To show his inconsistency we first quote his latest opinions on the proposed plan of removal for the Indians. Gov. Cass in 1830. "For many years after the first settlement of the country, the colonists were engaged in the duty of self-preservation, and they had neither leisure nor inclination coolly to examine the condition of the Indians, and investigate the causes of their degradation, and the mode by which they might be counteracted. And when they began to survey the subject, the facts were not before them, as they are before us. That the Indians were borne back by the flowing tide, was evident; but that this tide would become a deluge, spreading over the whole country, and covering the summits of the loftiest mountains, could not be foreseen, and was not anticipated. Nor was it known, that these people were incapable of permanent improvement, upon fixed reservations, within the limits of the civilized country. The duty, therefore, of providing a residence for them, where they could say to this ocean, heretofore as irresistible as the great deep itself, Thus far shalt thou come, but no farther,' neither the government nor the people understood.* The infant communities become powerful colonies; the colonies, independent states, and these states a great empire. Their boundaries were established, and their jurisdiction was granted or assumed. New territories, and eventually new states, were formed, each looking to its own political advancement, and to the extension of population and cultivation over its dominion, with an anxiety as natural and salutury, as that which impels individuals onwards in the strife for wealth and influence. And now, when we begin to suspect, that the white man and the red man cannot live together, we find no country where we can plant, and nourish, and protect those children of misfortune, until we pass the farthest limits of the governments formed beyond the Mississippi. There is a region belonging to the United States, admirably adapted to the situation and habits of the Indians, where no state authorities have, or can have jurisdiction, and where no attempt will be made to disturb or molest them. Because no permanent barrier has heretofore been raised between them and us, let it not be supposed, that a country, occupied by them and guarantied to them, upon the Red river and the Arkansas, would not secure them from future demands. There would be neither local gov *We know not what this writer can mean by the duty' of our infant colonies to 'provide a residence' for Indians, who then possessed almost the whole of North America, and from whom those colonies, in the attitude of dependence and inferiority, were daily compelled to purchase new territory for their own residence, and with whom they were anxiously striving to maintain peace. But Gov. Cass speaks as if the colonies were themselves masters of the whole continent, upon which the aboriginal possessors dwelt only through their permission. ernment nor people to urge the extinction of their title. No claim could be interposed to conflict with theirs. And if, in the course of ages, our population should press upon that barrier, it would be after the Indians had acquired new habits, which would cause our intercourse to be without danger to them and without pain to us, or after they_had yielded to their fate and passed the Rocky Moun tains, or disappeared. These are events too remote to influence any just view of this subject." North American Review, No. 66, page 108. 56 This extract is remarkable, particularly in the sentences which we have printed in Italics, first, for the manner in which he takes for granted as a known truth, the falsehood that these people in their present situation are incapable of permanent improvement; second, for its open declaration of the utter selfishness of those motives which have made us begin to suspect that the white and the red men cannot live together;" and third, for the unfeeling indifference with which such politicians as Gov. Cass can speak of the Indians'' yielding to their fate, passing the Rocky Mountains, and disappearing forever from the notice and the memory of man.' The falsehood of the closing sentence in this extract we shall presently show. Page 112, contains the following declaration :- "We cannot enter into a full examination of the effect of planting colonies of Indians in the western regions. From the retrospective view furnished by their history, it is evidently the only means in our power or in theirs, which offers any probability of preserving them from utter extinction. As a dernier resort therefore, apart from the intrinsic merits of the scheme itself, it has every claim to a fair experiment. But when viewed in connection with the peculiar notions and mode of life of the Indians, the prospect it offers is consolatory to every reflecting per son. Page 119 of the same number contains the following paragraphs on the same topic. We mark the word some in Italics, to direct the attention of the reader to the singular difference in the tone of Gov. Cass's compassion for the Indians in 1830, from that which he manifested in 1826. "But after all, it cannot be denied and ought not to be concealed, that in this transplantation from the soil of their ancestors to the plains of the Mississippi, some mental and corporeal sufferings await the emigrants. These are inseparable from the measure itself. But by an appropriation liberally made, and prudently applied, the journey may be rendered as easy to them, as for an equal number of our own people. By a continuation of the same liberality, arrangements may be made for their support, after their arrival in the land of refuge, and until they accommodate themselves to the circumstances of their situation; until they can secure from the earth or the forests, the means of subsistence, as they may devote themselves to the pursuits of agriculture or of the chase." He then goes on in strain of classical feeling, which is merely hypocritical, compared with the hard insensibility, which reigns through the whole article; and of compliment to the Secretary of War which is very gentlemanly and polite. He closes with the following paragraph. "This is the course we had a right to expect, and to which there can be no just objection. Let the whole subject be fully explained to the Indians. Let them know that the establishment of an independent government is a hopeless project; which cannot be permitted, end which if it could be permitted, would lead to their inevitable ruin. Let the offer of a new country be made to them with ample means to reach it and to subsist in it, with ample security for its peaceful and perpetual possession, and with a pledge,in the words of the Secretary of War, 'that the most enlarged and generous efforts, by the government, will be made to improve their minds, better their condition, and aid them in their efforts of self-government.' Let them distinctly understand, that those who are not disposed to remove, but wish to remain and submit to our laws, will, as the President has told the Creeks, have land laid off for them and their families, in fee.' When all this is done, no consequences can affect the character of the government, or occasion regret to the pation. The Indians would go, and go speedily and with satisfaction. A few perhaps might linger around the site of their council-fires; but almost as soon as the patents could be issued to redeem the pledge made to them, they would dispose of their possessions and rejoin their countrymen. And even should these prefer ancient ass. ciations to future prospects, and finally melt away before our people and institutions, the result must be attributed to causes, which we can neither stay nor control. If a paternal authority is exercised over the aboriginal colonies, and just principles of communication with them, and of intercommunication among them, are established and enforced, we may hope to see that improvement in their condition, for which we have so long and so vainly looked." North American Review, No. 66, page 120. Gov. Cass on the same subject in 1826. "But we are seriously apprehensive, that in this gigantic plan of public charity, the magnitude of the outline has withdrawn our attention from the necessary details, and that, if it be adopted to the extent proposed, it will exasperate the evils that we are all anxious to allay. "Migratory, as our Indians are, they all have, with few exceptions, certain districts which they have occupied for ages; to which they are attached by all the ties which bind men, white or red, to their country; and where their particular habits, and modes of life, have become accommodated to the nature of the animals, which furnish their subsistence. * * * * * “A removal through eight degrees of latitude, and fifteen degrees of longitude, will bring many of them to a country, of whose animal and vegetable productions they are ignorant, and will require them to make great changes in their habits, to accommodate themselves to the new circumstances, in which they may be placed; changes, which we, flexible as we are, should make with difficulty, and with great sacrifices of health and life. It is no slight task for a whole people, from helpless infancy to the decrepitude of age, to abandon their native land, and seek in a distant, and perhaps barren region, new means of support. The public papers inform us, that an attempt was made this season in Ohio, by the authorised agents of the government, to induce the Shawnese to remove to the west, and that liberal offers were made of money, provisions, and land. But it seems they declined, alleging that they were happy and contented in their present situation, and expressing their dissatisfaction with the nature of the country offered to them. "But this is not all. Many of the tribes, as we have already seen, east and west of the Mississippi, are in a state of active warfare, which has existed for ages. The Chippewas are hereditary enemies of the Sioux, and the Sacs and Foxes have recently joined the former in the war; and most of the Algonquin tribes, the Delawares, Shawnese, Kickapoos, Miamies, and others, are in the same relation to the Osages. How are these tribes to exist together? As well might the deer associate with the wolf, and expect to escape with impunity. The weak would fall before the strong. Parcel out the country as we may among them, they will not be restrained in their movements by imaginary lines, but will |