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MAY 9, 1832.]

Case of Samuel Houston.

as to the mode of discharging our duties here. We are advised to speak evil of no one; never to expose the misconduct of those in office; and we are promised that public affection will protect us, will be round us as a wall of fire. Should we thus yield the right to accuse or censure, when accusation or censure is due, I presume we would have Executive protection too. We are advised that usurpers are never such of their own accord; that powers are forced on them by corrupt Legislatures. To prove this, the cases of Cæsar and Cromwell are introduced. We heard mention made of a "corrupt Senate" on this occasion. Yet I think Cæsar first corrupted and overawed the people and Senate of Rome. He was a military chieftain, and the greatest of these in his age. Cromwell was another. When the latter was tired of Parliament, we have heard that he entered their Hall, and inquired their business, and received the meek reply that they were seeking the Lord. To which the chieftain answered, that, to his certain knowledge, the Lord had not been there for several years. Napoleon, too, was the greatest of military chieftains. When he was introducing the consular, as the precursor to the imperial Government, he entered the legislative Hall with military force, and inquiring where was that happy France he had left when he went to Egypt, dismissed the convention.

[H. OF R.

Our doctrine is, that no member is to be questioned for words used in debate, except here. No complaint had been made to this House against the member. The accused, who denies the fitness of this body to decide questions of this kind, because we are parties in some degree, instead of complaining to us of the language of the member from Ohio, has thought it most proper to be, at once, the party, juror, judge, and executioner, himself. He has placed himself in our judgment seat, and executed his judgment, until his victim was thought to be dead. For this he has been charged before us as for a "breach of the privileges of the House, and a violation of the freedom of debate." From the first response of the accused to the close of the defence, it was the manifest object to change the proceeding into a trial of our injured member, and the conduct of this House has afforded the opportunity to do so. In this proceeding, the truth or falsehood of the charge made by the member from Ohio, and of which the accused complains, was not a matter of inquiry-it had nothing to do with it. The only question was, whether the accused, without complaining to this House, had proceeded himself to inflict punishment on the member, to avenge his own supposed wrongs. Yet this House permitted the question to be put to the witness-what evidence he had at the time, or had now, of the fraud in question. The difficulYet we are told that no danger is to be feared from the ty produced by this erroneous step was soon perceived, Executive,and assured that whenever corruption shall come, but the House had not become so convinced as to sustain and come for the establishment of arbitrary power, it will be the motion of my colleague [Mr. ALEXANDER] to reconsifirst manifested here--that here, among the immediate reder and reject this interrogatory. Had this been done, presentatives of the people, exists the principal danger. we would have been brought back to the response of the Now, this is the very reverse of what we have been gene- accused. We proceeded further in our cause, until, after rally taught to believe. We have supposed the Execu- many other decisions, we came to this: "That the witness tive, being farthest removed from the constitutional body, should not be permitted to state his belief of any fraud, with all the force and patronage of the Government, all but might be at liberty to state any facts tending to prove the purchasing means of corruption in his hands, would be that fraud." Now, there are two ways to establish the the more likely to usurp powers, than to have them forc- fact in issue in any case--by direct or by circumstantial ed upon him by corrupt Assemblies; but that this branch evidence. Direct evidence, if credible, is the most easy of Congress, elected immediately by the people, known and convincing. Circumstantial evidence has been often to them, responsible to them, and, in fact, a part of them, deemed sufficient to bring culprits to the gallows. The to every intent and purpose, should be that branch out of proof of a number of facts connected together may furwhich usurpation is first to spring, and, withal, the most nish such strong presumption of the principal fact, as not dangerous to liberty, is a new theory. There are those, to be resisted. In this case, we have permitted this cirhowever, who can form a better judgment on this subject cumstantial evidence--the evidence of facts tending to prove than I. Of late, more appointments to high and honorable the fraudulent attempt in question; but we at last solemnly stations have been made from this body than formerly. It decided that no direct evidence of the act itself should be is said that more are expected. But, whether this cir- given. We permitted the weakest, yet rejected the cumstance has had an effect to produce a more yielding strongest evidence. And all this about the verity of a fact spirit, or may, in some degree, account for sudden changes of opinion, I will not pretend to say.

Thus, sir, have we been lectured by the press, by the counsel, and the accused, and even by members on this floor; and by all to the same effect, and in nearly the same language. To one of the charges against us, the House, as a body, is justly obnoxious; that is, of wasting its time in useless, frivolous debates. If this House, like most public bodies, has two political sides, those who first began this censure would do well to look over the journals of our debates and proceedings, and observe the names of those who are incessantly on the floor, shedding their dim lights on every subject, great and small, and whether understood by them or not-who are continually repeating their speeches, to the annoyance of the House, or, at least, the business part of it. They would do well not only to observe their names, but to observe to which side of the House they, or the greater part of them, belong. If they will but do this justice, they must acknowledge that but a small share of the blame falls where it is meant to apply the censure. It will be found a home business.

And now, sir, that the House, with all patience, has sat and heard lectures from others, I am quite sure it will permit one of its own members to review its course during this trial, and to show both its irregularity and injustice to the injured member.

not in issue. As long as we continued in this strange error, we were manifestly suffering our own privileges, and the party charged with their violation, to shift for themselves, while we were engaged for days in the trial of the member from Ohio.

At length, being thus forced on his own defence, the gentleman from Ohio proposed to prove directly the truth of what he had said-declared his ability and readiness to establish, by direct and positive proof, the fraudulent attempt he had charged, and all that he had charged. And what did the House do? The House resolved that the gentleman from Ohio should not be permitted to establish the verity of the charge-should give no evidence to prove the fraudulent attempt charged; and the witnesses ready for the purpose were turned from the stand. The House, by this decision, brought the question back to where a vote for reconsideration would have brought it--to the response of the accused; on which the House ought to have instantly rendered judgment, and on which alone it will render judgment at last. The effect of our error has been to shift the trial; and, in doing this, and in at last refusing the evidence, we have furnished for the enemies of the member food for the most cruel, vindictive malice. Here, on this floor, he has been treated as a vile calumniator-as a fabricator of false charges against innocent men out of doors, and meanly covering himself with the mantle of

H. OF R.]

Case of Samuel Houston.

[MAY 9, 1832.

our privileges. All this we have permitted, while we re- the majority, and consequently the fate of the bill, was fuse the member from Ohio liberty to vindicate himself by doubtful. This anxiety on the part of the administration, proving the truth, if in his power. and of their friends in office and in Congress, I am not cenIt has often been remarked that the errors of a wise suring--that is not my habit; I suppose it arose from a man are apt to be great and palpable, while those of weak strong conviction that great and incalculable benefits men are but trivial. With strong perceptions of truth, would flow from that measure, both to the country and to we seldom wander from the road of duty; but when we the Indians to be affected by it. But the city was then do leave it, we do so by a course at right angles, never filled with another class, such as hang on the skirts of discovering that we have left the king's highway, until we every administration--a class of beings who shun hones find ourselves entangled in a thicket, or fast in a morass. labor as a means of providing themselves with bread, and When we do this, we at once return to the point of de- think themselves doomed to starve, unless they can be proparture. With weaker minds and dim perceptions, we vided for by some office, or Government contract. Among stray oftener, diverging from our course, sometimes to the these people, I fear, the ready tools could be easily proright, at others to the left; but we never proceed far; we cured for the worst of purposes. The passage of the la soon recover ourselves; yet, when on the right path, we dian bill could have been rendered certain by two or three pursue it but a short distance at a time, and even then successful attacks on members of this House. Sir, if the with feeble, trembling steps. doctrines now advocated shall prevail, and evil doers shall continue to receive countenance, I fear the consequences, and that blood must soon flow.

If we erred in this proceeding, we did so on receiving the first interrogatory: "What evidence had you then, and what evidence have you now?" &c. And we never Mr. Speaker, I am sensible of the time misspent in the recovered ourselves until we did it by our last resolution, present investigation, and of the importance of that time. "that no evidence of the truth of the words spoken should But I am as sensible of the importance of the principles be given." Here we decided what we ought to have de-involved in the decision we are about to make. We are cided at first, that is, that the truth or falsehood of the about to defend,, or surrender, the privileges, the rights, charge was not in issue. Whether our error was that and even the liberties of our constituents. These, and all common to wise, or to weak and foolish men, I pretend that is dear to them, are at stake. In deciding on the prenot to judge. sent question, this House will uphold the principles of our

I will here take the liberty to suggest to those so fatally free Government, or permit its very foundation to be bent on the overthrow of the powers of this House, a razed. For no one can believe that the representative tenth reason, in addition to the nine urged by the learned principle can be maintained when freedom of debate shall counsel, why this House is not, but why the judiciary is, cease: without this, representation would be a vain thing. a proper tribunal for the protection of our liberties and Whenever it shall happen that the representative of the privileges. It is this: Every person who may be sentenc- people is restrained, by considerations of personal danger, ed by the judiciary for a violation of the freedom of speech from defending the rights and interests of those he repre and the liberty of the press, may be instantly pardoned by sents, then representation ceases to exist but in name, the Executive, nay, may be pardoned before judgment, and the Government, by whatever name it may be called, and even before arrest. But over the judgments of this becomes arbitrary. There has been one common effort House the President has no control. If doctrines, here here, and out of doors, to arraign this House for attemptcontended for, shall avail to save from our power him ing to secure to its members exclusive privileges; the who destroys the life of one member, or disables him, the question has even been debated as if the privileges of the same protection will be extended to those who may com-members of this House alone, and not those of the whole bine to destroy the lives of a sufficient number of refrac-body of the people, were involved. This effort may be tory members, in times of great party excitement, to re- available to divert public opinion, for a while, from the duce the majority to a minority. If, at any time, it should true question; but, rely on it, that attention will soon be be attempted to subvert this Government, and to establish recalled.

matter.

one more arbitrary on its ruins, this would be an easy I have often reflected on a remark of a countryman of mine, made in grave debate, sharpened by party feeling How easy would it have been, in 1795, when the appro-like the present; a remark which then struck me as mere priation to execute the treaty of 1794 with England was un-of a rhetorical effort than as a political truism. It was der discussion. The majority was but one or two, and this this: "That in all time, and in every nation, a great por majority could have been reduced to subjection by the mere tion of the public mind is naturally inclined to monarchy; slaying of one or two of its members. A few of the oppo- and that this its natural tendency should be vigilantly sition, then, did not intend to defeat a measure, the bene- guarded against by the friends of our free institutions." fits of which they clearly foresaw, and under which this The gentleman to whom I allude was considered the first country has prospered beyond any former example in this debater in Virginia, if not in the Union; and though posor any other country. It was intended to push the oppo-sessed of great warmth and of much decision, as a party sition so far as to render the President and his cabinet un-politician, his general observations were always entitled popular merely. Muhlenberg, the Speaker, was party to to serious consideration. He did not mean that this natuthis understanding, and evidenced the greatest hostility ral tendency of our weak nature was to monarchy by to the treaty. When the vote was taken, the bill was car-name, but to arbitrary power, in the person of some one ried by a majority of one, but Beckley, the Clerk, report-in whom we place an unlimited, and, therefore, a danger ed the vote even; and, under the impression that the votes ous confidence. In free Governments, this fatal tendency were even, the Speaker gave the casting vote in the affir-first manifests itself in an impatience under the operation mative, to the astonishment of the Clerk, and every body of those checks which are the very essence of, and withbesides, not in the secret. out which free Government never did or can exist; and I But I will allude to a time and a transaction more mo- fear we have arrived at a period when we can no longer dern-the time while the Indian bill was depending in the shut our eyes to this impatience. last Congress. The anxiety on that occasion was more It was very happily said by the gentleman from Massaintense than I ever witnessed on any other. It extended chusetts, [Mr. ADAMS,] the other day, that this is a Goto the President, his cabinet, and all his friends here and vernment of co-operation and of checks. More of political out of doors; their exertions were unbounded and cease- truth could not well be expressed in fewer words. That, less. I believe the bill was at last carried by a minority, at least, is its theory, and, in general, has been its prac by the use of the previous question. Until the final vote, tice. The departments of Government are theoretically

[AY 9, 1832.]

Case of Samuel Houston.

[H. OF R.

aree; legislative, executive, and judiciary. These, to be rizing an armed opposition to the process of the federal jueparate and co-ordinate, must be independent of each diciary. Before the occasion happened, on which this ther; each must operate as a check on the others; to law was to operate, Simon Snyder became Governor. ffect which salutary end, each must be sustained by the During his administration, a law passed, requiring him to thers. Thus the judiciary, in Madison's time, was sus- correspond with the President of the United States, to ained by the Executive of the Union, against an organized, procure some arrangement by which the execution of the egalized, and armed opposition to its authority in Pennsyl- sentence of the Supreme Court could be prevented, until ania. Even in the time of Washington, it was sustained the constitution could be so amended as to establish some the same State against an armed factious opposition. separate, independent, and impartial tribunal, to decide The case to which I allude, of a legalized armed oppo- controverted questions of power and jurisdiction between tion to the judicial authority in Pennsylvania during Mr. the Federal and State Governments. That State then proJadison's administration, deserves a more particular no- posed to the States an amendment to the federal constituee, as the exact parallel to that opposition now exists in tion, for the establishment of such a tribunal. Governor he South. The case was this: A controversy arose in the Snyder, in pursuance of the State law, wrote to President Amiralty court of Pennsylvania, during the revolutionary Madison for his concurrence in some measure to delay the ar, between the commander of a Pennsylvania Govern- execution of the process. ent brig and one Olmstead, owner of a Connecticut I am now, sir, speaking of transactions which may be rivateer, in which each claimed a certain captured ves- new and appear strange to some; but I am speaking so 1. Judge Ross, the Pennsylvania admiralty judge, de- near the public archives of the nation, where the evidenrmined in favor of Josiah, the commander of the Penn- ces of what I say must be preserved, that any one doubtlvania brig, and his crew. Olmstead appealed to the ing, or prompted by curiosity, may examine for himself; ontinental court of appeals in admiralty cases, which or, by calling at my room, may see official copies of those as no other than a committee of seven members of the proceedings, certified from the Department of State of ɔntinental Congress. That court reversed the decree of Pennsylvania. Governor Snyder, in addressing the Pree State court, and ordered the captured vessel to be sident, did not fail to remind him of the party topics of the ld for the benefit of Olmstead and crew; but, in consi- day, nor of the difference between a forcible resistance eration of the state of the country, refused to grant pro- to the constitution and laws of the United States, and a ess to enforce their reversing decree. All the court sentence of a judge, founded on a usurped authority. oncurred, except the honorable Thomas McKean, the This slang did not then suit the Presidential ear. The resident of the court, who was among the first jurists of answer of President Madison is, perhaps, (and that is saye age, and who afterwards became chief justice, and ing much,) the most laconic and decisive we have seen ally Governor of Pennsylvania. The admiralty judge, from his pen. He informed the Governor, that, so far hose decree had thus been reversed, nevertheless pro- from being at liberty to concert any measures to prevent eded to execute it; selling the prize, and distributing the execution of a sentence of the Supreme Court of the eir shares of the prize money to Josiah and crew, and United States, it was made his duty, where opposition was aying to the celebrated David Rittenhouse, treasurer of made, to cause the same to be executed, and, for that purennsylvania, the proportion to which that State was en- pose, to employ the necessary force. He added, that as led by its laws. The sum so paid was vested in public no discretion remained with the federal Executive to withcurities, and after his death came to the possession of hold the measures which might lead to a painful issue, it s daughters, who were his executrixes. The subject of gave him great pleasure to perceive that the act commuis suit was brought, in a civil action, before the supreme nicated to him by Governor Snyder gave the latter gentleourt of errors and appeals of Pennsylvania, under the man power to compromise and settle the affair with Olmrmer judicial system of that State. Here again Mr. stead, which he did. The President's allusion was to the cKean presided as chief justice. This court concurred judicial act of 1789; of which we, in Virginia, have underith the continental court of appeals, and, like them, stood Mr. Madison to be the penman. If this is an histoere unanimous, with the exception of the president. rical error, I would like to be informed; if it is not, the Soon after the adoption of the present federal consti- foreseeing the necessity of making such a provision at tion, it was decided that the present district courts of that time is but another proof of the great sagacity of the e United States were the proper tribunals for carrying late President Madison. (See note 3.) to effect the unexecuted sentences and decrees of the The Governor had stationed a military force, under the e continental court of appeals. Olmstead, hereupon, command of General Bright, or Hambright, round the ed his bill before Peters, district judge in Pennsylvania, house in which the daughters of Rittenhouse resided, to o rendered a decree, but declined enforcing it until prevent the marshal of the United States from entering e case was brought before the Supreme Court, and and serving his process. Alexander J. Dallas was district ere finally decided in favor of Olmstead, against the attorney, and at this time publicly announced in court, in ughters of Rittenhouse. Meanwhile, Mr. McKean be- Philadelphia, the determination of the President of the me Governor, and, on a message from him, the Assembly United States to cause the sentence in Olmstead's case to Pennsylvania passed a law, authorizing the Executive be executed. This fact ran through the city like fire bethat State to call out a sufficient armed force to resist fore the wind in dry stubble. The marshal summoned a e marshal in the execution of any process from the fede- posse of two thousand men, most of whom were attached courts to enforce the decision of the Supreme Court. to the Governor's political party, but all of whom declare ground taken by Chief Justice McKean was, that Penn-ed their readiness to aid the marshal; and, thereupon, the vania was a party, deriving a right to the money in the general's troops, one after another, deserted, and the minds of the treasurer, by the judgment of her own court, litia refused to obey him. The marshal entered, and the ich the courts of the United States had no jurisdiction process was executed. Thus, though the Government review or reverse. rebelled according to law, the loyalty of the people of that Here, then, was a case, in which a State claimed to be great State put the rebellion down. It was supposed that arty; claimed the subject under the judgment of her the same mail from Washington that conveyed the Presi n court; viewed the jurisdiction of her court as final dent's answer to Governor Snyder, brought also an inI conclusive; and contended that the federal courts ex-struction to the district attorney to make public the Preised but a usurped authority-a case in which the Ex-sident's determination; but I do not know whether the tive of the State had recommended the passage of a fact was so or not. I was present, and beheld the joy uni , and had approved and signed it when passed, autho-versally diffused at the suppression of that rebellion,

H. OF R.]

Case of Samuel Houston.

[MAY 9, 1832.

At all times the judiciary has had its enemies. There them as we who are here, and know their origin and their have always been those who are opposed to the tenure of merits. A new mode of accomplishing this desirable purjudicial office--those who will not consent to have the pose of prostrating the Senate has been invented, of far constitutionality of a legislative act, or the legality of an more extensive influence. Public meetings are got up in Executive measure, submitted to judicial determination. every city, town, and hamlet--in every village and counAt all times, therefore, there have been those who were ty place where the necessary materials are found. These impatient under the operation of the judicial check esta- meetings pass resolutions on the subject of Mr. Van Bublished by the constitution, and some of whom have labor-ren's nomination to England, and the rejection of that noed to bring it into contempt and disrepute among the peo- mination by the Senate. It cannot be affirmed of the ple, and to destroy their confidence in its decisions, by proceedings of these meetings, and of their resolutions, disparaging its usefulness, patriotism, and purity. Many that they are all couched in the same language, but the attempts have been made to beat down that great bulwark substance of all is the same--so much so, as to prove them of liberty--this sheet-anchor of every free State. One of to be the common coinage of the same mint-manufactur these came from one in the highest place, and was made in ed in this city, for universal consumption. These resoluseveral of the State Assemblies. All these attacks, with the tions declare that Mr. Van Buren performed all the duties complete defeat of each, are matters of history. The con- of Secretary of State in a manner honorable to himself fidence of the people in their judges remains unshaken, and useful to the country--that his mission to England was and, I believe, was never more general than at the pre- necessary for the public service. His rejection by the sent moment. But we must shut our eyes to the light Senate is denounced as a corrupt, factious act, dishonorathat shines around us; we must cease to read what is pass- ble to that body collectively, and individually disgraceful ing abroad, and even to hear some things uttered within to the members who concurred in it. These resolutions our walls, if we do not perceive a great effort is now mak- are adopted, it is said, in some places, by large collections ing to lessen, if not to nullify, this judicial check of the of people, and by hundreds and thousands of those who constitution. In this effort the public press is deeply en- cannot possibly know a syllable about the truth or untruth gaged. The judgments of the Supreme Court, when of what they so resolve. The foreign treaty relations of supposed not to agree with the opinions of the Executive, a country are never known to the great body of the peoare represented as attacks on the President; if displeas-ple, while the actual relations of peace and war are known ing to a State, as attacks on that State. The tribunal is to all. Negotiations unfinished are generally secrets to itself denounced as factious; its members as tyrants, aiming all but the Executive, and ought to be so. It is not posto usurp supreme power, and an unconstitutional control sible that, however well informed the great mass of our over the other departments of Government--one of which population may be, they should know enough of those inholds the purse, and the other the sword of the nation. tricate stipulations by which our commercial and other foI have already said that, in times past, the judiciary has reign relations are regulated, to decide on the merits or been sustained by the Executive, when called on for aid. demerits of Mr. Van Buren, or any body else, as to unfinThis is history. But whether it will now be so sustained, ished and undisclosed negotiations. Yet these resolutions remains to be seen; and soon that, too, will become history. are obtained by political partisans, and used for the purAs an executive council, the Senate is the only consti- pose of putting down the Senate. tutional check on the President. If this check were re- Thus we see that there exists a powerful, organized, moved, the President, in making treaties, and in the exer- active, and tireless party in this country, who are now cise of the high power of appointment, would be precisely lending their united efforts to the prostration of the judias absolute as the Emperor of all the Russias. Should he, ciary and of the Senate. Many individuals engaged in by treaty, transfer part, or the whole, of one of these these desperate enterprises against public liberty feel conStates to a foreign Power, and should the balance of our fident of entire success. Against one department of Goconstitution remain, such a treaty of dismemberment would vernment they believe they have already succeeded; and be the supreme law of the land; the judiciary would be as to the other, they feel so confident of victory as to antibound so to expound it, and, doubtless, in doing so, would cipate already the fruits of it. When this party shall have be sustained by the same Executive who would negotiate succeeded against the judiciary, and shall have humbled such a treaty. The Senate is the only check to an unre- the Senate, what more will be necessary in order to the strained Executive power. Remove this, and our Presi- complete establishment of arbitrary power? Nothing dents are monarchs in fact, and might as well be so in more but to subdue the independence of the people at And can we blink the fact, that a most powerful, large, which can only be done by destroying the freedom untiring, and widely extended effort is now making to of debate, and of proceedings here! And have we lived break down the Senate? The attack on the Senate is sus- to behold the beginning of this last, desperate enterprise? tained by the presses friendly to the Executive, all over If so, truly we may exclaim, with Senator Giles, "That in the Union. From that which is called its organ, in this all time, (our own not excepted,) a large proportion of city, the Senate is denounced, like the Supreme Court, the public mind inclines to monarchy, not in name, inas a factious body. Its members are accused of combina- deed, but to arbitrary power-power unchecked, unretions, of corruption, of political intrigue, and abused in strained, in the hands of one man;" and we must agree all the terms of reproach known to our language. Let- with him, "that it is our duty, as the friends of our free ters are written from this city, to be published in distant institutions, to guard and preserve them against the asplaces, among their constituents, in order to degrade them saults of that power.' there. These, when published at a distance, come back, and are republished here, as evidences of the public sentiment abroad; and are used here, not merely to degrade the members personally, but to break down the independence of the body as a legislative and executive council. It is urged by those who are concerned, here and elsewhere, in the manufacture of such evidences of public sentiment, that the Senate must be shorn of its powers and of its influence.

name.

These modes of attack have been long known and used. The nation is accustomed to read letters from Washington, and has fallen into a habit of paying as little regard to

I wish the House to bear in mind, that, as I have no authority to ascribe the efforts against the constitution and public liberty of which I have been speaking, to the President, or to his past or present cabinet, so I do not so charge or ascribe them. It is not a new thing in history, ancient or modern, for the friends of those already clothed with high powers to offer to invest them with more-with absolute sway. Some there have been, whose patriotism compelled them to reject such offers. But, in the indulgence of an unlimited confidence in him who is at the head of this Government, there are those who would blindly break down all the safeguards, all the checks of

INDEX TO THE DEBATES IN THE SENATE.

[blocks in formation]

bill taken up, and an amendment offered to it, and
then laid on the table, 487.
reconsideration of Mr. Webster's amendment, 640.
Mr. Webster reports a bill, 707; Mr. Webster's
scheme carried, and the bill passed.

the House of Representatives disagrees to Mr.
Webster's amendment, 931.

the Senate then recedes from it, 936.

Bank,

the Senate resumed the consideration of the bill,
1024; passed 1073.
documentary history of, a resolution introduced,
authorizing the Secretary of the Senate to sub-
scribe for sixty copies of the work, 530; passed,
558.
proposition to print 5,000 copies of the report of
the committee appointed to investigate the affairs
of the Bank of the United States, was made,
899, agreed to, 931.

resolutions of the president and directors of the
bank of Pittsburg, in favor of renewing the
charter of the Bank of the United States. They
were referred and ordered to be printed.

a new one proposed in a memorial from Massachu-
setts, which was ordered to be printed, 180.
currency, report from the Secretary of the Trea-
sury on the subject, 329.

Bank veto, a message was received from the President,
informing the Senate that he had returned the
act to modify and continue the act to incorporate
the Bank of the United States, with his objec-
tions; the objections ordered to be recorded on
the journal. The objections considered, and the
bill lost, 1296.

Barracks, a bill for erecting at New Orleans, ordered to
be engrossed, 55.

read the third time and passed, 58.
Belgium, mission to, (See appropriation bill.)
Appropriations, the general appropriation bill taken up, British colonial trade, (See West Indies and general appro-

and again, 679.

646.

resumed, 685; resumed, 709; passed, 873.
Indian, (See Indians.)
Auditor and Comptroller. A resolution introduced in-
structing the Committee of Finance to inquire
into the expediency of abolishing the offices of
Second Auditor and Second Comptroller. A
report states that the proposed abolition would
be inexpedient; ordered to be printed. The
committee discharged from a further considera-
tion of the subject, 875.

Baltimore and Ohio rail road, (See Rail-road.)
Bank of the United States, a memorial from the President
and Directors; referred to a select committee, 53.
Resolutions calling for information in respect to the
Bank, 58.

leave asked to introduce a joint resolution, declara-
tory of the meaning of the charter of the Bank
of the United States, on the subject of the paper
currency issued by the bank, which is enforced
at great length, 114; after some debate, leave
refused, 154.

a resolution calling on the Secretary of the Treasu-
ry for information in relation to the affairs of the
Bank of the United States, 154.
agreed to, 175.

a resolution, instructing the select committee to
whom the memorial of the bank was referred,
to inquire into the expediency of limiting the
duration of the new charter, to ten years, &c.
155; agreed to, 175.

a bill to renew the charter of the Bank of the
United States introduced, 530; bill called up,
943, reported to the Senate as amended, 1020;

VOL.VIII-G.

priation bill.)

Claims of States, (See State claims.)

Colonial trade, (See West Indies and appropriation bill.)
Colonization Society. A memorial from citizens of Ken-

tucky was presented, inviting the attention of
Congress to the subject, which, after some dis-
cussion, was laid on the table, 641.
Columbia, District of; a resolution was agreed to, appoint-
ing a committee, consisting of two members of
the Senate and one of the House of Representa-
tives, to prepare a system of laws for the District.
several bills in relation to the District, were taken
up and acted upon, 937; and afterwards passed.
Commissioners of the Navy, (See Navy.)
Commissioner of Indian affairs, (See Indians.)
Commercial statements. Resolutions calling on the Se-
cretary of the Treasury for information why
certain statements in relation to foreign com-
merce, heretofore called for, had not been fur-
nished,393; taken up, and the first resolution ne-
gatived, the second was laid on the table, but
afterwards passed, 412.

Secretary of the Treasury replies to the last reso-
lution, 438.

Committees, standing, appointed, 2.
Congressional documents. Report from the Secretary of
the Senate, and the Clerk of the House of Re-
presentatives, communicating the arrangements
made for their publication, 41.

a letter from Gales and Seaton stating the progress
made in printing the work, 46.

Cumberland Road. The bill providing for the continuance
of this road in the States of Indiana and Illinois,
&c. was ordered to a third reading, 515, and
passed.

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