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MARCH, 1844.]

The Compromise Act-The Tariff.

[28TH CONG.

Thus,

same time: the same plunging and flounder- | (fifty-four years ago,) the export of this article ing, the same incessant and violent fluctuation. was 101,000 hogsheads; the next year it was Commencing at eighty-seven millions of dol- 112,000; yet, under the high-duty system, lars in 1817, for nine millions of people, these this export has repeatedly gone down to 60,exports sank as low, in 1821, as sixty-four 000 or 70,000 hogsheads, and is now at only millions of dollars for ten millions of people. about 150,000. To be equal to what it was Then they swell up to ninety-nine millions; in Washington's time, would require an exthen fall back to seventy-two millions; then port of 400,000 hogsheads; for our population dart up to one hundred and thirty-two millions, has increased four-fold since that time. and fall back, in 1842, to one hundred and viewed in the gross, or in the detail, the result four millions. At this amount they now is the same-agriculture and foreign commerce, stand, being about the same they were at in as well as revenue, have been sacrificed for 1808, when the population of the country was the last twenty-five years, and it is timelittle more than the one-third of what it is at high time-that these great interests should be present, when the cultivation of the country was restored to the flourishing condition which not more than a third of the present cultiva- they enjoyed in the first half of our national tion, and when the great article of cotton existence. High tariff, political tariffing, and (now amounting to two-thirds of our exports) their kindred abuse, (excessive banking,) have was but a small item in the list of exported done this mischief; and it is time for these articles. Taking these circumstances into evils to cease. consideration, and the decline of agriculture, I protest against the mode, sometimes purand of the foreign commerce founded upon it, sued here, of comparing isolated years becomes appalling. Leaving out cotton, and against each other-the imports, or exports, the agricultural exports are less now than they or revenue-of one or two years with those were in 1808. They then amounted to forty-of one or two other years. All such comparisons eight millions; they only amount to about one hundred millions now, of which cotton is nearly two-thirds.

Such is the general view of our agriculture and commerce under the high duty system, and under a tariff incessantly altered for political and mercenary objects. It presents a deplorable picture of their decline; not only of their decline, but of their ruinous revulsions and convulsions. Viewed in detail, and in relation to its effect on particular articles, and the miserable picture becomes still more deplorable. Thus: The rice exportation, in Mr. Jefferson's time, was at an average of two and a half millions of dollars per annum; it has since fallen as low as one and a half per annum, and it is now under two millions. Flour, in 1807, was exported to the value of eight and a quarter millions; under the high tariff it has fallen as low as three millions; has been under five millions for half the time since 1817, and is now at seven and one-third millions. Indian corn and corn meal were exported to the value of two and a half millions annually, under Mr. Jefferson's administration: in one-half the years under the new system, this export has been less than one million of dollars, and it is now not equal to what it was forty years ago. Wheat, in 1807, was exported to the amount of 776,000 bushels. From 1817 to the present time, the export of this grain has only once risen as high as 400,000 bushels; has twenty times been under 100,000, and four times has been less than 5,000 bushels. Tobacco has shared the general fate of other agricultural products, and that without any attempt at excuse; for people use as much of that weed in peace as in war, and in idleness as in labor; yet it has shared the same fate as the rest. Thus, in the first year of General Washington's administration,

are fallacious, as much so as it would be to examine through a microscope a brick or a stone from two different buildings, and then judge of the whole from such microscopic observations of small parts. Systems against systems-periods of time against periods-is the only safe mode of comparison; and in that mode I compare the high duty with the low duty system. The comparison has been found immeasurably to the benefit of the latter, and will continue to be found so if followed from general views to detail-from public to private affairs. Individuals have suffered as much as the Government in the last twenty-five years. Their business also has partaken of the ups and downs-the flights and falls-of the treasury and of commerce. All business has been deranged-expansion one day, contraction another-now a man dealing in hundreds of thousands, then bankrupt!-then coming to Congress for relief laws or to the Executive for office; and losing the dignity of home independence by this humiliating appeal to the Government for support. All has been brought upon us by high tariff. The same cause which deranged the treasury of the Union-which gorged it one day, and starved it another-this same cause deranged the business of individuals: and, if there is any extenuation for the humiliating spectacle of the crowds who come to the Federal Government for the means of subsistence, it is in the fact that vicious legislation has brought them to that degradation. The two periods which I have contrasted are the general picture, and the Government picture of which the detail is in the people. In the first period all was happy and prosperous; the people were doing well, and were contented; * and consumed, when only seven millions of souls, as much foreign goods at the then low rates of duty, as gave sixteen millions of rev

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The Compromise Act-The Tariff.

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enue to the Government: now the many are | Europe, and that we may have within our country impoverished to enrich the few; and eighteen a supply of those leading and important articles millions of people, at the present high rates of so essential to war," that we have been too long duty, pay no more revenue into the treasury subject to the policy of British merchants; and that it is time we should become a little more than was paid thirty-four years ago by seven millions. Why this difference? Because the Americanized, and instead of feeding the paupers people are poor and distressed now, and their and laborers of England, feed our own; that "a careful and judicious tariff" is necessary "to pay affairs all deranged, like the treasury: and our national debt, and afford us the means of that formerly they were rich and happy, and their defence within ourselves on which the safety of affairs, like the then treasury, prosperous and our country and liberty depend; and last, though regular. The two tables of revenue which I not least, give a proper distribution to our labor, have produced are the key to the exports which must prove beneficial to the happiness, indeand imports a key to the condition of the pendence, and wealth of the community." country-a key to the condition of the people: and in the order, plenty, and regularity of one, and the disorder, fluctuation, and confusion of the other, you see all that has happened publicly and privately in the two periods of time, and under the two systems, which I have been comparing together, or rather contrasting against each other.

After this exposition, Mr. President, of our exports under the protective system, it is hardly necessary to trouble the Senate with any detailed view of our imports during the same period. They are obliged to partake of the same character, and such is the fact. They have risen as high as one hundred and ninety millions; they have fallen as low as sixty-four millions; and they have plunged and floundered backwards and forwards at all amounts between these two wide extremes. They are now at about one hundred millions, which is less than they were thirty years ago. And here, sir, I put this branch of the case, with the confident conviction that I have made good my second assertion, and proved that agriculture and commerce not only did better under the old system than under the new; but that they flourished in the highest state of prosperity then, and have been sunk to the lowest state of depression since.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

MONDAY, March 25.

Gold Dollars.

Mr. MCKAY, on leave, and in pursuance of notice given, introduced a bill to authorize the coinage of one dollar gold pieces at the mint of the United States and its branches: read twice, and referred to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union.

Gen. Jackson's Judicious Tariff. Mr. J. P. KENNEDY offered the following resolution, and called the previous question: Resolved, That this House approve and adopt the following opinions, as expressed by General Jackson, in his letter to Dr. L. H. Coleman, of Warrenton, North Carolina, dated April 26, 1824, to wit: That lead, iron, copper, hemp, and wool, "being the great materials of our national defence, they ought to have extended to them adequate and fair protection, that our manufactories and laborers may be placed in a fair competition with those of

Mr. WINTHROP moved that the resolution be laid on the table.

Upon this motion the yeas and nays were demanded and ordered; and being taken, resulted-yeas 19, nays 119.

So the resolution was not laid on the table.

Mr. KENNEDY renewed his demand for the previous question; and the vote on seconding the demand was taken by tellers, and resulted thus-61 in the affirmative, and 86 in the negative.

The previous question was not ordered.

Mr. W. J. BROWN moved the following amendment, and demanded the previous question:

Resolved, That this House approve of the sentiments of Henry Clay, expressed in his speech at the extra session of Congress, 1841, as follows: " Carry out the principles of the compromise act. Look to revenue alone for the support of government. Do not raise the question of protection, which I hoped had been put to rest: there is no necessity for protection."

Mr. DROMGOOLE inquired whether the subject would not go over, in consequence of a proposition to amend having been made.

The SPEAKER replied, that the previous question having been demanded, if that demand were seconded, it would bring the House to a vote first upon the amendment, and afterwards upon the original resolution.

The question was then put upon seconding the demand for the previous question, and the votes being counted there were-100 in the affirmative, noes not counted.

There was a second.

The main question was then ordered to be put, being upon the adoption of the amendment; and upon this question, the yeas and nays were demanded and ordered; and being taken, resulted thus-yeas 82, nays 84.

So the amendment was rejected.

amendment, said he wished it understood he Mr. HARALSON, on giving his vote for the did not attribute its language or sentiment to Mr. Clay.

IN SENATE.

TUESDAY, March 26.

The Compromise Act-The Tariff. Mr. BENTON resumed, in continuation of his remarks of yesterday. He said:

MARCH, 1844.]

The Compromise Act-The Tariff.

[28TH CONG.

3. I proceed, Mr. President, to my third factured goods (exclusively of the doubtful) to the assertion, which applies to manufactures, and full value of two hundred millions of dollars." asserts their prosperity before the late war, and before the protective system was invented. It is a great mistake to suppose that they have grown up under that system: they were well established, and flourishing before that system was dreamed of; and of this I have the highest evidence in my hand.

Here (said Mr. B.) are two great facts stated; first, that manufactures were then actually advancing at the rate of 20 per centum per antures then amounted to two hundred millions of num; second, that the actual value of manufacdollars per annum. Contemplate these facts withthe manufacturing interest, which they announce in themselves, and the flourishing condition of is great and striking. Twenty per centum of annual increase, and two hundred millions of annual product, in a population of eight mil

It is known that the Congress of the United States directed the census returns of the year 1810 to include the state of our manufactures, and that these returns, though very imperfect, from the fear which many people had that a scheme of ulterior taxation was in-lions, is an astonishing result for a young countended, still showed that this branch of our try. Compare it with other interests, and with national industry had attained a high degree the rate of three per cent. per annum, and repopulation. Population was only increasing at of importance. The aggregate of the returns, quired twenty-five years to double; foreign palpably defective as they were, amounted to commerce was only increasing at a moderate one hundred and twenty-seven millions of dollars, and were computed at near two hun-rate, and required twenty years to advance from twenty millions to one hundred millions, dred millions. The total omission of returns and is only now where it was above thirty from many places, and the imperfect returns from others, induced Congress to prosecute years ago. Agriculture, though advancing the inquiry which they had commenced; and steadily in its exports in the first half of our on the 19th day of March, 1812, a joint resolu-national existence, has since declined in all its tion was passed by both Houses, and approved at two hundred millions of annual product, and ancient staples. Yet manufactures were already by the President, directing the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Gallatin, to have the returns digested and perfected. For this purpose, Mr. Gallatin employed Mr. Tench Coxe, of Philadelphia, an eminent advocate for manufactures, a writer for twenty-seven years in their favor, and the gentleman whose opinions on this sub-ments. He makes his case still stronger by ject were lately presented by Mr. Webster, at a public meeting, in a way to pass them for those of Dr. Franklin. Mr. Coxe completed his task with great labor and care. He took two years to verify his statements, and produced an authentic work, from which I will now read the extracts which will sustain my assertion.

Mr. B. then read from Mr. Coxe's report, page 53 of the introduction, as follows:

"In the course of the numerous and diversified operations, occasioned by the deliberate execution of this digest and statement, constant and very close attention has been applied to those facts which have occurred throughout the Union since the autumn of the year 1810, from which a judgment of the condition of the manufactures of the United States for the current year 1813 might be safely formed. It has resulted in a thorough conviction that, after allowing for the interruptions to the importations of certain raw materials, the several branches of manufactures in the States, Territories, and districts, have advanced, upon a medium, at the full rate of twenty per centum; which would give an aggregate for this year of $207,000,000. But as it is best to make ample allowances for some manifest repetitions of articles, which are inextricably involved in the subordinate returns, a sincere and well-reflected final opinion is respectfully offered, that the whole people of the United States, taken in 1813 at eight millions of persons, will actually make, within this year, manu

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advancing at the rate of twenty per cent. per annum, before the protective system was invented-before politicians had taken it into their heads to become their patrons!

But Mr. Coxe does not stop at these state

comparison-by comparing the state of American with that of English manufactures, at the of population. He shows that the manufactures nearest proximate point of time and amounts of England, (not of Great Britain, but of England proper,) with a population of eight and a half millions, and just before the formation of our constitution, was only two hundred and sixty-six millions!—a mere fraction beyond our own, with eight millions of people, before the protective system was established. But hear him for himself. Let him speak for himself. Let this enlightened and disinterested champion of the cause deliver his own facts in his own words. At page 52, he says:

"Some confirmation of this view of our national operations, mercantile and manufacturing, may be drawn from the facts, that, in the years of general peace and prosperous and regular commerce-from 1785 to 1787-the average exports of England, (alone,) with about 8,500,000 inhabitants, amounted to seventy millions of dollars, while their manufac tures were computed at two hundred and sixty-six millions of dollars."

This, Mr. President, is a most astonishing approximation. The English had been pushing their manufactures from the time of Edward III.-full five hundred years-and had only reached the product of two hundred and sixtysix millions of dollars to eight and a half millions of population. We had been letting ours

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alone with the advantage they possessed in manufacture was well established thirty odd their three thousand miles distance from their years ago, and is able now, as I will show hereEuropean rivals in their incidental protection after, to stand alone, and to contend with the under revenue duties-in their advantages of cottons of Great Britain and of Europe, not cheap provisions, light taxes, hard money, and only here at home, but all over the world. free action under equal laws. We had been And here, Mr. President, I must again advert letting our manufactures alone with these real to the date. The modern champions of manuand great advantages, and they were already factures say it was the war which gave birth nearly equal in amount to those of England, to manufactures, and that we must have high after five hundred years of governmental pro- duties now to protect what the war created; tection. but the work of Mr. Coxe shows this to be a grand mistake; that this great interest had taken deep and wide root before the war, and was going on well even before the year 1810.

But let us continue the reading; let the witness speak. At page 10 of the introduction, Mr. Coxe says:

ume.

It is impossible to follow Mr. Coxe through "Machinery is now in actual operation in the a detailed view of the condition of each branch United States for printing cotton and linen cloths of manufactures, which he presents in this volby engraved rollers of copper, moved by water. Ten thousand yards have been printed with ease number of articles enumerated exceeds three The index occupies eight pages, and the in a single day, by one man and two boys, with these rollers. Fifty thousand children's handker- hundred. They comprise all manner of producchiefs have been printed in the same time by the tions-almost every thing useful or ornamental same number of persons. Similar means are in-in the working of wool, wood, iron, glass, constant use for staining and dyeing cotton and linen cloths of one color in the same expeditious manner, so as to make them fit for the greater variety of apparel and furniture."

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"The States of Rhode Island and Massachusetts have expelled all doubts about the practicability of the cotton operations. With the smallest territory in the United States, Rhode Island has already attained, and introduced into her vicinity a cotton branch of our manufactures as valuable as the cotton branch of any country in Europe was at the time of the formation of our constitution. The neighboring States of Massachusetts and Connecticut quickly followed Rhode Island; and the tables which are annexed, imperfect as they unavoidably are, manifest the universality and magnitude of the

cotton manufacture in 1810."

hemp, flax, leather, and a long list of others, all well established as early as the year 1810, and many before that time. He computes the manufactures of the three articles of wool, flax, and cotton alone, at forty millions of dollars. Iron he computes at fourteen millions-leather at eighteen-wood at five and a half-cables and cordage four and a quarter. Wool, he says, was in the most rapid state of improvement next after cotton. New England made fine, if not superfine, broadcloth, above fifty years ago. President Washington wore a suit of it, made at Jeremiah Wadworth's factory in Connecticut, when he first met the two Houses of Congress under the present constitution. Fifty-four years ago, on the most august occasion in the annals of man, the most finished gentleman, hero, and patriot that modern times have beheld, found Connecticut cloth good enough for him to wear! And now we are to be entertained with a belief that the manufacture of this cloth is just growing up there-that it has been hatched into existence by the hot incubation and meretricious embraces of politicians and capitalists, and is yet too feeble to stand unless supported by the powerful arm of the American Government!

One thousand eight hundred and ten!-observe the date, Mr. President! Observe the date!-one thousand eight hundred and ten! Two years before the war, and near seven years before the politicians took hold of the subject, the cotton manufacture was completely established in Rhode Island, Connecticut, and Massachusetts; as well established as it was in any I repeat it, it is impossible; time and country in Europe before the formation of our strength would fail me, to undertake to follow constitution; a man and two boys could print, Mr. Coxe through his detailed view of our with ease, ten thousand yards of calico, or fifty manufactures in 1810. I must take it by thousand children's handkerchiefs in a day: States, and show what he then said of States that the success of these States had expelled all which are now the most urgent for Governdoubt upon the subject. And this was the ment protection. Thus: The manufactures of state of the cotton manufacture in Rhode Island, Massachusetts were stated at $21,895,000; Connecticut, and Massachusetts, more than the New Hampshire at 51 millions; Vermont at 51 third of a century ago: and now, after twenty-millions; Rhode Island at 4 millions; with the five years of aid from the protective system, we are told that this manufacture must go to ruin if not further protected by enormous duties and prohibitory minimums. Certainly, if this is the case, they have been injured by our aid, and have been held up so long that they cannot stand alone. But this is not the case. This

remark that the cotton manufacture was there increasing at the rate of 333 per centum; Connecticut at 74; with the remark, that there were constant additions to the number of manufactories in that State, and of the capital employed in them; New York 25 millions, with the belief it should be 33; New Jersey 7 millions;

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Maryland 111. All this appears at page 38 of men and foreign capitalists, have discovered that the tables, and shows the extraordinary growth the United States afford extensive opportunities to of manufactures in all these States at the early employ themselves in manufactures and the useful period of 1810. But Pennsylvania was still arts, as has been long the case in commerce, navisuperior to all these; and to that State Mr. gation, stocks, banks, and insurance companies. Coxe devoted a separate table, by counties, at The manufacturing branches are as open to them here, as agriculture and the purchase of lands and page 63 of the introduction. Forty-four millions of dollars is his estimate of the manufac-houses in the most favorable States, or as they are to a native or naturalized citizen. Patented motures of that State, of which 16 millions alone nopolies, processes, machinery and tools, engrossed were in the city and county of Philadelphia. for a time by foreign invention in Europe, may of His whole estimate for 1810 is near 200 mil- course be used here by all persons without restraint lions of dollars; about double as much as the or injury. In this highly inventive and well-inwhole exported productions of agriculture are structed age, these opportunities, in such a country at this day; about double as much as the whole as the United States, often redound to the great importation of foreign goods are at this day; benefit of respectable foreigners as well as of ourabout equal to the joint amount of exported selves."-Pages 28, 29, 50. agriculture and foreign commerce thirty-three years thereafter! The whole cotton crop of the United States for the last year was 47 millions. Pennsylvania manufactured 44 millions in 1810. The largest cotton crop ever made in any one State in a year, was 15 millions-that of Mississippi in 1839. Philadelphia county and city manufactured 16 millions in 1810!

Having shown this to be the flourishing condition and actual value of our manufactures at that early period, Mr. Coxe proceeds to the very natural inquiry into the causes of the extraordinary growth of this branch of industry in our new and youthful country. He inquires into these causes, and finds them in the freedom of our institutions, which permits every talent to take its natural course, and foreign skill to incorporate with our own; in our position, which gave all the difference of costs and charges and mercantile profit on the foreign rival, in favor of the domestic article; in the abundance of raw materials, the cheapness of provisions, the lightness of taxes, and in the incidental protection resulting from the imposition of revenue duties for the support of the Government. But this is a point at which the oldest advocate of manufactures should be al

lowed to speak for himself: and let us hear him. I read from pages 28, 29, 50, 59, 60, of

the introduction:

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"It is manifest to the close observer, that this state of things very extensively existing, and faithfully represented, has occasioned manufactures to spring up everywhere, as an operation of plain common sense to effect the consumption, employment, or sale of the products of the earth, and to attain a supply of the comforts and conveniences of life. It is the natural and irresistible working of things." -Pages 59, 60.

"The facility of retaining and steadily extending this valuable branch (the manufacturing) of the national industry, is manifested by its very early and spontaneous commencement in every county and township, and by its nearly spontaneous and costless growth, with such aids only as have not occasioned any material expense or sacrifice to agriculture or commerce, since they were chiefly incidental from the foreign consumers of our productions and to necessary revenue, or resulted from our distance manufactures of our supplies."-Page 50.

"Such are the principal facts which occur to recollection, at this time, evincing the benefits to owners and cultivators of the soil from the manufactures which have arisen unforced in the United States. Their principal protection by duties is incidental. Those duties were imposed to raise the necessary revenue; but greatly favored the manufactures."-Page 29, Introduction.

Such, Mr. President, were the causes of the growth of manufactures among us. They grew up of themselves, without the knowledge of politicians, and without any aid from federal legislation except the incidental assistance from the imposition of revenue duties. Their growth was natural-spontaneous-unforced-without injury to commerce or agriculture-without injury to revenue-and, what is not to be forgotten, not only without a word of discontent or dissatisfaction in any part of the Union, but with the absolute approbation of all. I repeat

"The expenses, costs, and charges of transporting cotton from the farms and plantations even near the coasts of the United States, to the manufac-it: manufactures were just as popular at that tories of Manchester, Glasgow, and Rouen, and the same charges upon manufactured goods brought from those places to houses of the planters and farmers in America, are equal to 50 per cent. on the finer and 75 per cent. on the coarse, heavy, and bulky goods of those great manufacturing towns."

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time in the South as they were in the North. No party feeling, or sectional feeling, or even individual feeling, was at that time entertained against them. All cheered their progress, and honored their cause. All befriended them, until politicians and millionary capitalists converted them into a political interest and an engine of oppression.

After having shown the flourishing condition of manufactures, and the causes of their great and rapid growth among us, Mr. Coxe naturally

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