Inaugural Address of James K. Polk.

tection to our home industry;" and that I was "opposed to a tariff for protection merely, and not for revenue."

ent State, in ours. I congratulate my country that, by an act of the late Congress of the United States, the assent of this Government has been given to the reunion; and it only remains for the two countries to agree upon the terms, to consummate an object so important to both.

I regard the question of annexation as belonging exclusively to the United States and Texas. They are independent powers, competent to contract; and foreign nations have no right to interfere with them, or to take exceptions to their reunion. Foreign powers do not seem to appreciate the true character of our Government. Our Union is a confederation of independent States, whose policy is peace with each other and all the world. To enlarge its limits, is to extend the dominion of peace over additional territories, and increasing millions. The world has nothing to fear from military ambition in our Government. While the chief magistrate and the popular branch of Congress are electlions who must, in their own persons, bear all the burdens and miseries of war, our Government cannot be otherwise than pacific. Foreign powers should, therefore, look on the annexation of Texas to the United States, not as the conquest of a nation seeking to extend her dominions by arms and violence, but as the peaceful acquisition of a territory once her own, by adding another member to our confederation with the consent of that member-thereby diminishing the chances of war, and opening to them new and ever-increasing markets for their products.

The power "to lay and collect duties, imposts, and excises," was an indispensable one to be conferred on the federal Government, which, without it, would possess no means of providing for its own support. In executing this power by levying a tariff of duties for the support of Government, the raising of revenue should be the object, and protection the incident. To reverse this principle, and make protection the object, and revenue the incident, would be to inflict manifest injustice upon all other than the protected interests. In levying duties for revenue, it is doubtless proper to make such discriminations within the revenue principle, as will afford incidental protection to our home interests. Within the revenue limit, there is a discretion to discriminate; beyond that limit, the rightful exercise of the power is not conceded. The incidental protection afforded to our home interests by dis-ed for short terms by the suffrages of those milcriminations within the revenue range it is believed will be ample. In making discriminations, all our home interests should, as far as practicable, be equally protected. The largest portion of our people are agriculturists. Others are employed in manufactures, commerce, navigation, and the mechanic arts. They are all engaged in their respective pursuits, and their joint labors constitute the national or home industry. To tax one branch of this home industry for the benefit of another would be unjust. No one of these interests can rightfully claim an advantage over the others, or to be enriched by impoverishing the others. All are equally entitled to the fostering care and protection of the Government. In exercising a sound discretion in levying discriminating duties within the limit prescribed, care should be taken that it be done in a manner not to benefit the wealthy few, at the expense of the toiling millions, by taxing lowest the luxuries of life, or articles of superior quality and high price, which can only be consumed by the wealthy; and highest the necessaries of life, or articles of coarse quality and low price, which the poor and great mass of our people must consume. The burdens of Government should, as far as practicable, be distributed justly and equally among all classes of population. These general views, long entertained on this subject, I have deemed it proper to reiterate. It is a subject upon which conficting interests of sections and occupations are supposed to exist, and a spirit of mutual concession and compromise in adjusting its details should be cherished by every part of our wide-spread country, as the only means of preserving harmony and a cheerful acquiescence of all in the operation of our revenue laws. Our patriotic citizens in every part of the Union will readily submit to the payment of such taxes as shall be needed for the support of their Government, whether in peace or in war, if they are so levied as to distribute the burdens as equally as possible among them.

To Texas, the reunion is important, because the strong protecting arm of our Government would be extended over her, and the vast resources of her fertile soil and genial climate would be speedily developed; while the safety of New Orleans and of our whole south-western frontier against hostile aggression, as well as the interests of the whole Union, would be promoted by it.

In the earlier stages of our national existence, the opinion prevailed with some, that our system of confederated States could not operate successfully over an extended territory, and serious objections have, at different times, been made to the enlargement of our boundaries. These objections were earnestly urged when we acquired Louisiana. Experience has shown that they were not well founded. The title of numerous Indian tribes to vast tracts of country has been extinguished. New States have been admitted into the Union. New Territories have been created, and our jurisdiction and laws extended over them. As our population has expanded, the Union has been cemented and strengthened. As our boundaries have been enlarged, and our agricultural population has been spread over a large surface, our federative system has acquired additional strength and security. It may well be doubted whether it would not be in greater danger of overthrow, if our present population were confined to the comparatively narrow limits of the original thirteen States, than it is, now that they are sparsely settled over a more expand

The republic of Texas has made known her desire to come into our Union, to form a part of our confederacy, and enjoy with us the blessings of lib-ed territory. It is confidently believed that our erty, secured and guranteed by our constitution. Texas was once a part of our country-was unwisely ceded away to a foreign power-is now independent, and possesses an undoubted right to dispose of a part or the whole of her territory, and to merge her sovereignty, as a separate and independ

system may be safely extended to the utmost bounds of our territorial limits; and that, as it shall be extended, the bonds of our Union, so far from being weakened, will become stronger.

None can fail to see the danger to our safety and future peace, if Texas remains an independent

Inaugural Address of James K. Polk.

In the management of our foreign relations, it will be my aim to observe a careful respect for the rights of other nations, while our own will be the subject of constant watchfulness. Equal and exact justice should characterize all our intercourse with foreign countries. All alliances having a tendency to jeopard the welfare and honor of our country, or sacrifice any one of the national interests, will be studiously avoided; and yet no opportunity will be lost to cultivate a favorable understanding with foreign Governments, by which our navigation and commerce may be extended, and the ample products of our fertile soil, as well as the manufactures of our skilful artisans, find a ready market and remunerating prices in foreign countries.

State, or becomes an ally or dependency of some be long delayed, within the sphere of our federative foreign nation more powerful than herself. Is Union. In the mean time, every obligation imthere one among our citizens who would not prefer posed by treaty or conventional stipulations should perpetual peace with Texas, to occasional wars, be sacredly respected. which so often occur between bordering independent nations? Is there one who would not prefer free intercourse with her, to high duties on all our products and manufactures which enter her ports or cross her frontiers? Is there one who would not prefer an unrestricted communication with her citizens, to the frontier obstructions which must occur if she remains out of the Union? Whatever is good or evil in the local institutions of Texas, will remain her own, whether annexed to the United States or not. None of the present States will be responsible for them, any more than they are for the local institutions of each other. They bave confederated together for certain specified objects. Upon the same principle that they would refuse to form a perpetual union with Texas because of her local institutions, our forefathers would have been prevented from forming our present Union. | Perceiving no valid objection to the measure, and many reasons for its adoption, vitally affecting the peace, the safety, and the prosperity of both countries, I shall, on the broad principle which formed the basis and produced the adoption of our constitution, and not in any narrow spirit of sectional policy, endeavor, by all constitutional, honorable, and appropriate means, to consummate the expressed will of the people and the Government of the United States, by the reannexation of Texas to our Union at the earliest practicable period.

Nor will it become in a less degree my duty to assert and maintain, by all constitutional means, the right of the United States to that portion of our territory which lies beyond the Rocky Mountains. Our title to the country of the Oregon is "clear and unquestionable;" and already are our people preparing to perfect that title by occupying it with their wives and children. But eighty years ago, our population was confined on the west by the ridge of the Alleghanies. Within that periodwithin the lifetime, I might say, of some of my hearers our people, increasing to many millions, have filled the eastern valley of the Mississippi; adventurously ascended the Missouri to its head springs; and are already engaged in establishing the blessings of self-government in valleys, of which the rivers flow to the Pacific. The world beholds the peaceful triumphs of the industry of our emigrants. To us belongs the duty of protecting them adequately wherever they may be upon our soil. The jurisdiction of our laws, and the benefits of our republican institutions, should be extended over them in the distant regions which they have selected for their homes. The increasing facilities of intercourse will easily bring the States, of which the formation in that part of our territory cannot

In taking 66 care that the laws be faithfully executed," a strict performance of duty will be exacted from all public officers. From those officers, especially, who are charged with the collection and disbursement of the public revenue, will promp tand rigid accountability be required. Any culpable failure or delay on their part to account for the moneys intrusted to them, at the times and in the manner required by law, will, in every instance, terminate the official connection of such defaulting officers with the Government.

Although, in our country, the chief magistrate must almost of necessity be chosen by a party, and stand pledged to its principles and measures, yet, in his official action, he should not be the President of a part only, but of the whole people of the United States. While he executes the laws with an impartial hand, shrinks from no proper responsibility, and faithfully carries out in the executive department of the Government the principles and policy of those who have chosen him, he should not be unmindful that our fellow-citizens who have differed with him in opinion, are entitled to the full and free exercise of their opinions and judgments, and that the rights of all are entitled to respect and regard.

Confidently relying upon the aid and assistance of the co-ordinate departments of the Government in conducting our public affairs, I enter upon the discharge of the high duties which have been as signed me by the people, again humbly supplicat ing that Divine Being who has watched over and protected our beloved country from its infancy to the present hour, to continue His gracious benedictions upon us, that we may continue to be a prosperous and happy people.

On the conclusion of the address, the oath of office was administered to the President of the United States by the Chief Justice.

Preliminary Proceedings.

TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS.-FIRST SESSION.

BEGUN AT THE CITY OF WASHINGTON, DECEMBER 1, 1845.

Execatibe Government for the Fifteenth Presidential Term commencing Ith March, 1845, and ending 3d March, 18-19.

Preliminary Proceedings.

Florida-David Levy and James D. West-cessor is elected,) rose and said, that, as the

Mr. SPEIGHT submitted the following resolu- Yost. tion:

Resolved, That a committee be appointed, jointly with such a committee as may be appointed by the House of Representatives, to wait on the President of the United States, and inform him that quorums of both Houses have assembled, and that Congress is ready to receive any communication he may be pleased to make.

Mr. ALLEN suggested the propriety of passing by this resolution until the Senate should be officially notified that the House of Representatives had organized itself.

Mr. SPEIGHT assenting, the resolution was,

for the present, laid on the table. The Senate adjourned.

Election of Speaker.

Sawyer, Schenck, Starkweather, St. John, Til- | the tellers reported that 211 votes had been den, Vance, and Vinton. given, and 106 were necessary to a choice; and that