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that branch which belonged to Panama; from which to the town the march is not above one day and a half, though 'tis upon the south sea side. Next day fell heavy rains, and we row'd against the stream with much labor and difficulty, which still increasing, we took to our dories, and bush'd most of the periauguas; but were forced to stop and sleep that night in the woods, within about four hours' rowing of the Barcadore. That night I gave the governor and admiral the strictest orders to secure their prisoners well, which they say was done. But in the night, the rain ceasing and the river falling, some of the governor's Indians took four dories and one Spanish mulatto for a pilot, whom they had half hanged the day before in private, and rowed away contrary to orders, in hopes, I suppose, of plundering and stripping the look-outs at the Barcadore, or whoever they met, or from a worse motive. They wisely untied his legs, and about half way up he got the rope off his hands and jump'd overboard. Five or six jump'd after him; but he got away from them all. So they returned with the doleful news, and it was then impossible to get the Muskito men a step farther. I begged of the governor if he would not go on to hang up two of his Indians before the padre, that he might not be suspected by the Spaniards of cowardice. But all in vain, for I only prevailed with much ado to have ropes put about their necks, which I told him were to hang them with at their return home, or at the river's mouth. And to save the credit of the Muskito men, I told the Fryer that as this war was occasioned chiefly by the Queen and people of Old Spain, your Excellency knowing the just inveteracy of the Muskito Indians against all Spaniards in general, had sent me to attend their expeditions, and to prevent the effusion of blood as much as possible. Wherefore, as I found them excessively provoked at the mulatto's escape, and as I knew the money could be removed, which I wanted more than slaughter, I would not suffer them to proceed. Whether he took me for a coward or not I am not at all solicitous, if he did not think the Muskito men so. But I fancy my reasons were plausible enough, for he was extremely grateful in his expressions. He was a very reasible priest, and spoke the best Latin of any I ever met with amongst them. Our conversation turned upon the most

occasional subjects, which I shall communicate to your Excellency at Jamaica. I used him with the utmost kindness, and to be sure saved both him and the other Spaniards' lives by being there, which they all acknowledged. But I told him Englishmen reckon'd that no obligation. But if they please to remember that Muskito men had spared them, perhaps they might have a better opinion of those Indians for the future. So we gave them a dory, flint and steel, and came away.

Thus was disappointed one of the most hopeful expeditions for plunder since Sir Francis's [Drake.-ED.] time. The padre drop'd before he knew which branch of the river we designed; for that in Panama was a rich church and [has] many miraculous images, which made me lay my design thereon. To rush into the town at daybreak, and with half the Muskito men to surround the church . . . . . and take the arms, and padres, who were six. To push the captive padre in first, and give him time to aid the others secure the host (which I was to be show'd with the consecrated plate) all which was to be ransomed for the weight. The white men with a fourth part of the Muskito men to surround the governor's and bring him to the church, whilst the other fourth were to make the best of their way upon such horses and mules as should be found, to a town or village about three miles off, to secure and fetch three ecclesiasticks more, and when all these were in our power we could easily have prevented a [word illegible] by bringing them to the front; tho' the whole country had rose upon us, for we were but 100 short and fifty lances. Blacketer was to call out liberty and quarter to all Indians, mulattoes and negroes, and all Spaniards that expected it to come to the white men. But I ask pardon for troubling your Excellency with a design that has miscarry'd, and which perhaps might have been a great hindrance to the main one; for the Muskito men, notwithstanding my orders and their own promises, abused and beat the Indians, and when I interposed, threatened to kill one of them before my face. No doubt but the case would have been the very same or worse in the towns. So that I have kept my promise, if I did no good, to do no harm. The men I left at the forks intercepted nothing. But when we came to the river's mouth, the mulattoes slept with me

at the lookout house. The Indians, being
ashamed, left the river contrary to orders,
and just as we were going out next morning,
a Spanish canoe appeared. We sent two
after her, who took her and five Indians, 850
pieces of eight and some silver bowls and
candlesticks, and a letter to the Dutch cap-
tain from a Spaniard at Panama, who told
him he had 18,000 pieces more ready to
come down at the return of the messenger.
I immediately shared the prize among
those that were present, but neither that nor
any intreaties could prevail on them to tarry
two or three days longer, in which time we
might probably have intercepted twice as
much as we got; for these people had come
down a different branch from that the pris-like
oners had gone up; and there was no
doubt more upon the same road; besides
a third branch which the padre came down,
who came not from Panama, but from the
province of Chomes, whither he with most
of the eclesiasticks and dons of Panama had
returned upon the news of Porto Bello being
taken. He applauded Admiral Vernon's
[word illegible] (as he called it), and said
the people of New Spain all did the same,
and exclaimed against their own govern-
ment, which he said was next to none; for
the people all did what they pleased.

The King of Spain had wrote to them to defend themselves as well as they could; for he hoped in a little time to send them a powerful assistance. I would have brought him with me, but that I know the fatigue of a periaugua voyage would have killed him; and he assured me with all possible sincerity that he had a sister who was left a widow by an extravagant, with five children, all which depended on him for support. And the other prisoners confirming the same, I could not think of my own family at home and keep him, though he was certainly a valuable person. He gave me a direction at Mr. Don Antonio De la Rios, in Panama, and I gave him one to me, so that I expect a correspondence. I had not now taken any rest or been [asleep] any day for four days and nights, yet my greatest fatigue was to come, viz.: sharing the plunder so as to satisfy my white gentry. Neither were the Muskito men so easily pleased as I expected; and I was determined to do to all strict justice. The best way I could think of was to advise the Muskito men to leave off keeping what

they [had] or sharing alike, and share after the English manner, which they agreed to. So I proposed six shares to the king, five to the governor, five to the admiral, what they pleased to myself above one share out of those periauguas whom I had furnished with powder and ball; three to every captain of a periaugua, three to my corporal, two to those that took the look-outs, and what remained after division to be left to my discretion to give amongst the most deserving. Every one was satisfied with the disposal, yet at, and for several days after the sharing, there was such bawling and squabbling among my white hell-hounds, that I had rather fight six battles than undergo the again. Though the Muskito men generously allowed them as much of the gold as came to four or five Muskito men's shares, yet they squabbled my poor corporal out of a share and a half; and for myself, I got one of the ingott's value 343 castellanas, and near 250 ps. of 2-8. Their cabals came to that height that I was counselled to take care of myself; upon which the Muskito men offered to put them all in irons or to death whenever I pleased to speak, which I suppose they are apprehensive of, for we are now pretty quiet. But the owners of the schooner which came with us, and is the same I came in from Sandy Bay, have got most of the Muskito men's money from them for goods they had on board, whilst I, being destitute of that convenience, was forced to leave your Excellency's goods at Sandy Bay, except some trifles which I have sold for about the value of £25 or £30 currency in broken bits of gold. They offered me a better share than the king, which I refused, and chose an equality with the admiral. Notwithstanding, they assured me, had not the white men been there, I should have had a better present.

Those doings are really infectious, and show the necessity of regular forces. I am ashamed to describe the contrast between the thoughts had before and after the sharing; for the white men's ingratitude made me repent (and I fear more than I ever did of my vices) that I had not concealed the Fryer's ingotts; for they were brought to me in the night among the silver, unknown to any soul but the Father and myself. The sume of them would have made my affairs in England tolerably easy; and it is remark

able that the whole was within a few pistoles | before we sett out upon this expedition. very sume totall that I owe.

the

I am now going to some river near Blanco, where I design to wait for Mirander, who is expected to load cocoa at Carpenter's River. Whitehead, whom I was bound for in Jamaica, will goe into the river with his periaugua, having a demand upon him; and if he informs me that he sells powder, ball, or provisions to the Spaniards, when his cocoa is on board, I hope to take him, when my voyage will be crowned.

The Muskito men, to whom I have read a great part of this letter, say that they are sorry and ashamed of their behavior on this expedition, but desire your Excellency to consider that they are poor, and have been a long time teazed out of the fruits of their labor by the white men that live among them. That it is not now with them as in King William and Queen Anne's wars, when King's ships and privateers came to their shore and encouraged them. Further, a command was carried over their young men, who now do as they please, and despise the old ones. That would your Excellency or the King of England be pleased to send soldiers. among them to set them an example, and goods at reasonable and certain prices, I should see whether they would not fight to get money to pay for them. The Governor talks of taking Carpenter's river, and sending up all the cocoa that is ready for Mirander into Whitehead's sloop, and sending it up to your Excellency, (for they will trust no body else,) to be laid out in arms. If they and the white men agree about it, I shall readily forego my share of Mirander's sloop to forward their good intentions.

The fatigue has been horrid, and I fear worse before I get to Sandy Bay, the rainy season being now sett in. From thence I shall hire a periaugua to Generall Hobby's, and then to Messrs. Pitts and Atkins, so if I cannot get a Pilott to a certain people, to Jamaica.

I am obliged to trust this letter to a common sailor; one of the owners on board having fingered some pistoles, and the other having done some bad things, are not to be depended on to deliver it. Whitehead, who is a third joint owner, has kept himself pretty clear. I am sorry that I am not yet able to send my account of the English people at Black River, neither time or opportunity permitting me to goe threw

These occurrences I have truly related, and submit all to your judgment what may be made of the said people. I am farr from despairing to see them answer expectation. They are very desirous of smiths, carpenters and gunsmiths settling among them. The way of invading and harassing the Spaniards is obvious, and may be done at a trifling expence and without any more such fatigues. This, as I shall prove to your Excellency at Jamaica. I am in hopes of returning the greatest part of your Excellency's money again. Your Lady's cargo is yet entire. I have heard no manner of news from Jamaica since I left it, only the Padre told me that Chagre was taken. We had the vanity to design attempting [it] ourselves, but all has ended in robbing a priest and some peasants.

Had I a command of Regular people, I would not despair of a Bishop or a Governor, for by what I can learn of their condition, many of the great dons of New Spain would be ambitious of the honor which I enjoy, of being

Your Excellency's

Most Devoted and Obedt.
Humble Servt.,

ROBERT HODGSON.

XV.

SALT CREEK, near Carpenter's River,
July 12th, 1740.

Sir:-My paper being all spoil'd, I am obliged to write to your Excellency upon this, to let you know that we have taken Carpenter's River and about 50,000 weight of cocoa. We met with a sloop since I wrote last, belonging to Mr. Forbes of St. Andres, by whom I send this, and whom I have loaded with 190 serons of cocoa, being my own share and those of my friends and such as behaved best. The Muskito men allow me an English captain's share, which is 3-8, and what is above that is to be laid out in goods and sent down to the Muskito shore. The rest is to be sold partly to Mirander, (who arrived here on the next day after we had taken the river,) and part is to be put on board the schooner, (the owners of which have five or six periauguas belonging to them.) And if this cocoa comes to a good market at Jamaica, and

what exceeds my share is sent down in | describe the fatigue I am forced to suffer for goods for the best now, it will make me want of such a guard. I entreat your Exable to manage the rest; for without rewards cellency to depute somebody to dispose of and punishments nothing is to be done. I my cargoe to the best advantage; and that have explained to them the difference be- you will be so good as to keep my share for tween Mirander's price and the price of Ja- me 'till my return, and, likewise, that you maica. So when these people's shares that will accept your own £150 out of it; for I are most to be depended on arrive, I ex- have already near £40 in gold and silver for pect it will open the eyes of the rest. A what I have sold of your Excellency's goods, periaugua that was with Forbes brings me and I doubt not the remainder will nearly word that there is a packet for me at Pitts make up your money. & Atkins, to which place I will hasten. But Generall Hobby has sent me word that his people have taken an Estaictea near a large town, which he will not attempt till I come back and make him understand your Excellency's pleasure better.

I must not forget the governor's good behavior in Carpenter's River, who at my request released above 100 Indian prisoners and negroes, whom I made to play upon their strum-strums, whilst their masters worked at filling the serons. There was only a mulatto shot dead, three wounded, and one broke his neck in running away. I am not yet able to prevail with the Muskito mulattos to free the Coccelee Indians, though the better half of them are run away. I am greatly afraid that your Excellency will think | that I have had an eye to my own interest more than to the common cause in this expedition, (which I assure you I have not,) for in the first place I was obliged to leave the choice to the Muskito men; and in the second I imagine that a trial of the Muskito men, whether they have any sentiments of liberty at a distance from the place where I provided they shall make a full declaration for that of their brother Indians, would be the securest proof of them.

I don't know how Hobby's guard may prove, but am sure the Indians are much preferable to the mulattoes that have been with me. They say themselves that the trade at Carpenter's River has spoil'd them. I beg your Excellency to send me down at least 20 blank commissions, 2 carpenters, 1 taylor, 1 gun-smith, and that you will be so good as to give my corporal his discharge. He will be necessary to me in future expeditions, which I hope will redown more to my reputation than this. For here has been no opposition. But Dolu and Yucatan will surely afford some sport. Could I but have 30 select men out of the companies, it would be a fine help to me; for it is impossible to

I presume, as this cargo is sent up by King Edward for himself, me, and the best of the Muskito men, that it will not require the formality or expense of a legal condemnation. Experiments cannot be made at a smaller expence than I make them.

I beg you will send me an account, if possible, of the very spot where the revolt happened in 1733. I am in great want of hand mapps. The chief Muskito men's minds are thoroughly afloat in expectation of your Excellency's favor of good return from Jamaica, so that my credit, and perhaps my life is at stake.

I have been often in more danger from them than from the Spaniards. I entreat your Excellency once more to excuse my paper, and to send me down a great deal of ball and some powder. I am just taken with the country feaver, so that I hope my loose manner of writing will be excused too. I have thrice lost my limbs for an hour or so, but the use of them returned again. There is no manner of harm in this climate if people will but refrain from spirituous liquors. And I can without the least ostentation challenge all privateers that have preceded me to show equal fatigues. Should

I

prove a vox et preterea nihil, of which I am constantly suspicious, it will at least give the hint to more able enterprising genius's.

My humble service to your lady, and I am your Excellency's most sincerely devoted and obedient humble servant,

ROBERT HODGSON.

It is to be feared that false views of econ

omy will operate to prevent the United States Government from becoming possessed of the historical treasure from which these documents are taken, until its obtainment will be utterly impossible; for, unfortunately, the national councils always embrace more or less gentlemen who regard it praiseworthy to

and papers. In the possession of the General Government alone will there be positive surety for all time that they will be open for the investigation and profit of all. We presume that it would be impossible for Col. F. to ascertain what it has cost in money; for while many of its most valuable treasures were free gifts from persons in all sections of the Union desirous of adding to its completeness, we learn that he has at times been forced to pay as high as hun

oppose every expenditure of the public funds not designed to meet current absolutely necessary expenses on the most economical scale. No argument to prove this a pennywise and pound-foolish policy is necessary in these enlightened times. It is due to the country at large, that the invaluable historical collection above referred to should be preserved for general reference; that it should be open, under proper regulations, to all who may have occasion to pursue investigations in this very important but decid-dreds of dollars for a single volume in edly most neglected branch of our literature-American History. The absorption of well nigh our entire population in active business pursuits of life, sufficiently explains why, as a general thing, we rely so much on Europe for our literature, though it fails to touch this point of our remakarble deficiency in the matter of knowledge of the history of ourselves and our country. The general want of proper sources of information (well arranged and complete historical libraries) furnishes the key. True, each State is now forming its own historical library, but, with inconsiderable exceptions, these are confined to the collection of data for the elucidation of its own past times. This library of Col. Force is all we have national, or rather continental, in its character, and it will be a burning shame, as well as a serious drawback on our national advancement, if it be not secured for our whole country. THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, we understand, is desirous of becoming its possessor. Though entertaining great respect for that institution, and desiring for it, ardently, a career of distinction, prosperity and public utility, we should regret to see it become the owner of these invaluable books

manuscript of importance. Thus, he possesses a proof-sheet of engraved heads of Americans of distinction flourishing about the beginning of the present century, the work of an eminent and accurate French artist on private account. This embraces small portraits of hundreds of gentlemen residing then in all sections of the Union. It is probably the only impresssion of the whole in cxistence. For this he paid one hundred and fifty dollars; and he has since lost no opportunity to have the likenesses identified, no key being left by the artist. He has succeeded so far in the identification of perhaps half the heads, which are in medallions of the size of a silver dollar. The consignment of manuscript volumes, from which the papers forming the subject of this article were taken, are twenty in number, embracing rare, unpublished writings on the West Indies, Mexico, Louisiana and Florida, and the private papers of Admirals Wager and Vernon, as before mentioned. We learn that this single consignment cost him more than fourteen hundred dollars. These facts are mentioned only to show the impossibility of estimating the actual cost of such a collection.

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