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significant, we had almost said terrible pas- | fatal to those constitutional guarantees on

which they rely for the security of their “Sir, there is no solicitude now for liberty. rights against such fanaticism. If our treaty Who talks of liberty when any great question obligations with other nations, and the comes up? Here is a question of the first magni- laws enacted by ourselves to


them into tude as to the conduct of this war; do you hear effect, are to be thus infamously trifled with, any body talk about its effects upon our liberties who can tell what other laws, no less sacred, and our free institutions ? No, sir. That was not the case formerly. In the early stages of our gov- will share the same fate? Resistance to such ernment the great anxiety was, how to preserve a spirit, in any and all its forms, is the most liberty. The great anxiety now is for the attain. sacred political obligation that can rest upon ment of mere military glory. In the one we are

a republican citizen, be he of what party or forgetting the other. The maxim of former times

what section he may. was, that power is always stealing from the many to the few; the price of liberty was perpetual

It will easily be perceived that these last vigilance. They were constantly looking out and sentences have been penned in view of the watching for danger. Not so now.

so now. Is it because new hydra head that is just making itself there has been any decay of liberty among the apparent in the Cuban attempt to repeat people? Not at all. I believe the love of liberty the Texan abomination. It bids fair to be was never more ardent, but they have forgotton the tenure of liberty by which alone it is pre- a monster more hideous than the last-a served.

much more illegitimate progeny of the law“We think we may now indulge in every thing less party of the Republic. Those desperawith impunity, as we held our charter of liberty does who engage in it, without the honor, by 'right divine'—from Heaven itself. Under these impressions we plunge into war, we contract heroism, or courage to regard it as a purely heavy debts, we increase the patronage of the personal adventure, but desire to tarnish the Executive, and we talk of a crusade to force our in- honor of this nation by involving it in the stitutions of liberty upon all people. There is no scheme, wiil (there is no alternative) either species of extravagance which our people imagine will endanger their liberty in any degree. Sir, meet their own destruction, or bring destructhe hour is approaching--the day of retribution

tion upon this Union. From the questions will come. It will come as certainly as I am now growing out of the Texan scheme we have addressing the Senate, and when it does come, barely escaped this result. This, following awful will be the reckoning; heavy the responsi- so closely upon it

, would inevitably effect it. bility somewhere."

But passing these principles, let us proSuch is the tone and purpose of that un- ceed to the measures set forth by the Comscrupulous party; as plainly exhibited at mittees. That the Federal Government this day as it was when this warning was should undertake a judicious system of imuttered by this great and experienced states-provements of the rivers and harbors of the man. It has not, it is true, made as yet a new country, is, we believe, a universally admitfield of action such as it had then; but it is ted doctrine by Whigs of all sections. rapidly preparing to do so, and thus strike The miserable fallacies which the other another blow at the Union and existence of party have opposed to this beneficent meathese States, which if it is permitted to do sure are utterly unworthy of refutation. we have no doubt will be its death-blow. They have in fact already failed to prevent How necessary then for the Whigs to reit- its passage through Congress; and the erate and claim as belonging to the party arbitrary tyranny of the veto had to be rethe doctrine of Administrative Economy; sorted to to destroy the bill. The internal the accountability and limitation of the commerce and facility of communication bepowers of public officers ; the faithful per- tween almost any two States of this Union, formance in letter and spirit of our obliga- is of more consequence than our whole tions to other nations ; a scrupulous regard external relations, if we except one or two for their rights, and firm maintenance of our nations. The party that opposes this meaown. What reliance can any section of the sure has no objection to spending thousands country have, for the observance of their of dollars through charges and ambassadors constitutional rights, upon a party that in obtaining commercial arrangements with practically consider nothing as law but the the most insignificant nations-arrangements demagogue-excited fanaticism of the hour? / many of which only benefit two or three What madness in the South, for instance, to mercantile firms—such is the force of traencourage in any degree this spirit so utterly Iditional

, technical politics ; whilst they stren

uously oppose expenditures by the Govern- 1 of their country, are bound hand and foot ment, which in a single year might save and must labor for whatever the avarice of from absolute destruction property beyond their master pleases to pay them? The the whole amount required, and through false political systems of the European all time facilitate the flow of that “vital cur- nations reach and enslave us, to a greater rent" of prosperity—the internal trade be- or less degree, as long as this state of affairs tween the various States of the Union—that lasts. The British system of “free trade” of all other things most tends to cement our pharisaically demands that we should connationality, and insure prosperity and inde- sider our “ brethren in bonds as bound with pendence.

them;" but we would rather invite the bondFollowing this, we have a statement of men to leave their shackles behind, and join the doctrine of Protection to our native in- us in the establishment of a nation, that in dustry, at the present time the most pressing its political, social and economical equality necessity of all. We write in the midst of and perfection, will by its peaceful progress a threatened commercial crisis and convul- shame those nations into the adoption of a sion, when money is commanding on the like system of freedom, equality and justice. best mercantile paper fifteen per cent, per Such are the wide, important, world-embraannum; and that in the midst of the unex- cing views with which we would advocate ampled influx of gold from our Pacific pos- protection to American industry and Amerisessions. It is notorious that this alarming can freedom. A freedom thus secured and fact is owing to the excessive purchases of thus protected appears to us to go beyond foreign goods, induced by a most senseless the mere political idea usually attached to and undiscriminating ad-valorem "tariff; a the term, and, if thoroughly understood and tariff that is throwing into the hands of carried out, to be the solution for most of other nations all the pecuniary advantages the social enigmas that perplex and distract we expected to reap from that amazing the age—so far at least as that solution is enterprise of our countrymen, by which to be sought for, or expected, outside of the they have opened to the world the vast individual regeneration. riches so long hidden in the streams and Other results there are of this measure of mountains of California. We are taking all protection to our native industry, that reach the risk and they all the profit. Whilst we beyond the mere economic, (this, too, we are making these excessive purchases abroad, also claim as has so often been demonstrated and thus contributing to pay the grinding in these pages,) calculated, with that we taxations of monarchical powers required for have referred to, to inspire the party that their senseless splendors and excessive debts, maintains it with a unity of devotion and

-debts contracted, in many cases, to put an enthusiasm of action, before which the down the liberties of man, our own mills, theorists for a mere material national wealth, mines and furnaces are to an alarming ex- however unequally distributed, should be tent idle and useless, the capital invested swept away as choff before the wind. in them utterly unproductive. Our farmers One of these is diversity of labor and are obliged to expend most of their labor in enterprise. Looking at the gigantic and cultivating the most unprofitable products, horrible evils resulting from the competition in consequence of the limitation of the home among laborers for the same employment, market, and to sell them at the most unre- as recently exhibited in such books as munerating rates, in order to compete, in a "London Labor and the London Poor," market three or four thousand miles off, “Alton Locke," &c.,—undeniable representawith products grown on the spot, or only tions of facts,-every thoughtful statesman brought across the British channel, or from must be led to the conclusion, that here is the shores of the Baltic sea. Our republican discovered the pit-fall of modern civilization, system demands and requires protection to the inevitable doom of unrestricted or unadour republican laborers. Of what avail is it, justed competition; and that unless this so far as their material well-being is con- gulf be avoided, his labor for his country or cerned, that these classes have the franchise mankind is in vain, and there can be no con- . of freemen and a voice in all the affairs of tinuous progress for the “race. Modern state, if they are obliged to compete with civilization, like the ancient, must fall into those who, having no voice in the legislation ruin. The human intellect must return to

barbarism and anarchy, and again lie fallow, reacting upon agriculture itself, make of it through “dark ages," to renew its strength also a science and an art, infinitely more for another contest with Fate. Now this efficient and refined. diversity of industrial occupations, in which it Such are the doctrines of internal improvewould appear that the very safety of civiliza- ment and protection to our native industry in tion itself rests, can only be obtained by us their more enlarged aspects, and in those rein the present condition of the world by sults of them, that appeal to the deeper prinProtection. Besides this vilal result involved ciples of our nature, demanding from us by all in the proper establishment of diversity of the motives of patriotism and humanity an occupations, there are others of the greatest enthusiasm and a self-sacrifice that should importance. Nations are educated, refined, induce us to bear and forbear every thing to and invigorated by their pursuits more than the last point of honor, with all who are by any other causes. Intellect is thus de- with us in the sacred cause, that we may veloped in all directions. Thus only can be present an unbroken front to its enemies. acquired that combination of scientific dis- Contrast these beneficent principles with the covery and mechanical skill, in which almost barren negations that constitute the creed of the entire strength of modern nations con- our opponents, and say which should be consists. From whence have come those in- sidered the party of progress and action ? ventions and improvements that indicate the Responding to the call of these Commitexistence of a living energy in nations ? tees of the Whigs of the great State of Where, but from the centres of diversified New-York, we have ihus endeavored to preindustry, where minds, clashing together, sent in bold, though rude outlines the princommunicate to each other those various ciples and measures that have heretofore ideas which, combined by excited genius. bound together the great constitutional party produce those great results that constitute of the Union and the laws. We have done real national glory ?

this that we may show the imperative reasons They come not from the necessarily isola. for a universal acquiescence in the principles ted condition of an exclusively rural popu- upon which they have agreed to forego all lation. This kind of population is undoubt- action upon sectional issues ; holding each edly the most important of all—the great to their own opinions and rights, yielding underlying foundations of the social edi-only, but implicitly, to the Constitution and fice; but remaining a dead level of mere the laws, respecting the rights and opinions material comfort, unless it be surrounded of others, but demanding the like obedience. and interpenetrated, by centres of more The opinions that divided the party were varied industry and enterprise: places where upon matters that have been settled after the genius for other pursuits, which will inev- the most thorough discussion. These comitably appear in almost every family among mittees express no desire to disturb that setthis population, may find its legitimate field tlement, but, on the contrary, yield an unof action, instead of chafing in uncongenial qualified submission to the laws that havo pursuits, or rusting in inactivity. The Eng- been passed to effect it. They recognize lish doctrines of free trade, so industriously the right, without any reservation, of every promulgated among our farmers, may tempt State to regulate its own municipal institutheir adherence by some of their plausibili- tions without any interference, directly or ties. But should they not consider to what indirectly. Any action tending to resist, a dead level it must consign them—what a defeat, or render ineffectual any laws passed restricted freedom they would have, if they by Congress, they unqualifiedly condemn. must be confined to the one round, no mat- They have unreservedly expressed their conter what desires, genius, or ambition their fidence in, and demanded the support of, sons may possess ?

the party for the administration of President Yes, this great foundation of society must Fillmore; an administration whose princibe so laid and so cemented, that from out it ples in reference to that subject are emphatiand incorporated with it, may arise those cally summed up in the following sentistructures of mechanical and manufacturing ments :ingenuity, those domes of science and tem

“The series of measures to which I have alples of art

, that not only educate, dignity, luded are regarded by me as a settlement, in prin. and perpetuate the fame of a people; but i ciple and substance-a final settlement - of the

dangerous and exciting subjects which they em- , loyalty to Union and the Government under which braced.” * * * * * * * we live. And at the same time he wished the

"By that adjustment we have been rescued scrutiny into his past life to be extended so as to from the wide and boundless agitation that sur. detect if possible any instance in which he had rounded us, and have a firm, distinct, and legal manifested a disposition to agitate any sectional ground to rest upon. And the occasion, I trust, or exciting question whereby any parts of the will justify me IN EXHORTING MY COUNTRYMEN TO country, or any classes of the community, might be RALLY UPON AND MAINTAIN THAT GROUND as the arrayed against others, or which might tend in any best, if not the only means, of restoring peace and degree to disturb the mutual confidence and atquiet to the country, and maintaining inviolate the tachment between all sections and all classes, integrity of the Union.”President Fillmore's which is essential to the preservation of the govMessage.

ernment which has been transmitted to us. He * The President's Message, at the opening of the

had always endeavored to avoid and discounte

nance the unnecessary discussion of all sectional present session of Congress, expresses fully and

questions. In the high office which he had lately plainly his own and the unanimous opinion of all

held he had felt it his duty to refer to questions those associated with him in the Executive admin

· which then disturbed the public mind; those quesistration of the Government, in regard to what are

tions were then present; their decision was to be called the Adjustment or Compromise measures

made, and it was necessary that the voice of the of last session. That opinion is, that those meas

great State, at the head of whose government he ures should be regarded in principle as a final set

had the honor to be placed, should be heard. It tlement of the dangerous and exciting subjects

was due to her--it was due to her sister States which they embrace that though they were not

it was due to the General Government–that the free from imperfections, yet in their mutual depen

views, the feelings, and the determination of Newdence and connection, they formed a system of

York with regard to those most embarrassing compromise the most conciliatory and best for the

questions, should be declared. In two annual entire country that could be obtained from con

messages to the Legislature he had endeavored flicting sectional interests and opinions, and that

calmly, but truthfully and faithfully, to present therefore they should be adhered to, until time and

what he believed to be the sincere and abiding experience should demonstrate the necessity of

conviction, upon the then pending issues, of the further legislation to guard against evasion or

large mass of the people of this State, without abuse. That opinion, so far as I know, remains entirely unchanged, and will be acted upon stead-doing, he gave utterance to his own honestly en

reference to their party predilections. And in so ily and decisively. The peace of the country tertained views. Those views are before the pubrequires this: the security of the Constitution re- | lic and upon record, and from the almost unaniquires this; and every consideration of the public

mous expression of the Press at the time, and good demands this. If the Administration cannot

from other indications of public sentiment, he had stand upon the principles of the message, it does

reason to believe that ihey met a general, an not expect to stand at all.”—Daniel Webster's Let

almost universal response from the people who ter to the Union Meeting at Westchester.

had placed him in the position from which he had Such we believe have become, or are rapid-felt bound to give utterance to those opinions. ly becoming, the universal sentiments of the

He thanked God that he was an American citizen

-a citizen of the Union of thirty-one States. He Whigs of this state, and of the whole coun

prayed that that Union should never lose any one try. The election of ex-Governor Fish to of its members. He was, too, a Northern man, the Senate of the United States last winter, with all the love of Northern men for universal was deemed by many as an evidence of a freedom; he found in that, however, nothing incontrary tendency. But this was a conclu

... consistent with his duty as a member of a confede

Ici racy consisting of Southern as well as Northern sion without data. How false it was, may men. Strong and ardent as were his attachments be seen by the following extracts from a to all the cherished principles of the North, much speech delivered by him on the 4th of July as he might deplore the existence of human slavelast, before the Cincinnati Society :

ry, he felt that it was an institution wholly within

the jurisdiction of those States which see fit to “[A member present put the question, 'Are you allow it. He respected their rights to regulate in favor of the compromise measures of the last their internal policy according to their own convicCongress ?')-Gov. Fish would answer that ques. tions, and no act of his would interfere with the tion. He had been for several years in various rights. He respected too, and would abide by, all public positions, and in none had he ever attempted compromises of the Constitution, in the spirit in to conceal his opinions upon any public question which they were framed. He considered that their upon which it became his duty to express them. adoption had been essential to the formation of the He challenged the closest examination of his whole Constitution under which we had become a free, a life, both public and private, for any evidence of great and a happy nation ; , and he considered also desire to evade the expression of his sentiments that their faithful observance was necessary to the upon any question of public interest, or for the perpetuity of that Constitution, and the preservaslightest evidence of any action or sentiment to tion of the Union which it has blessed. justify a suspicion of the want of respect and de- “Such had ever been his sentiments. When the ference to the laws of the land, or of devotion and compromise measures of the last Congress were


Unity of the Whigs: Their Principles and Measures.


under consideration, they did not meet his approval., from its remembrance, serve to draw more closely In several particulars he thought them liable to the bonds which had united, and will again for! objection One, particularly, he thought open to long years unite in friendly, harmonious, and conexception as well on the ground of omission as of | fiding affection and sympathy and brotherhood, the enactment. He recognized the rights which the remotest portions of our common country; and Constitution had guaranteed to the South, and he when, he confidently believed, the justice of our believed the South to be entitled to the enactment, brethren in one section of the country will not of laws which should be efficient to the enjoyment deny the reasonable demands of those in another. of those rights. He thought that those laws (the He earnestly and anxiously hoped for the arrival compromise measures) might have been made of that day.” equally effective as a measure of relief and protection to the South, while they might bave been deprived of some features which tend to irritate

We have not thought proper to curtail and excite the North, and at the same time, by these remarks, as they appear to us to expossibility, unnecessarily to jeopard the rights of hibit the true temper and feeling of the the free citizen. He thought that without impair: Whigs of the State of New York, and to be ing any principle they might bave been improved I calculated to allay all fears that have been 80 as to afford the country substantial repose, and to silence clamor and opposition from any section.enterta

entertained of a re-opening of the issues to " But these measures passed into laws in tbe which they refer. They confirm and strengthspirit of compromise and of mutual concession. en the inferences and hopes we have drawn It was not to be expected that they should em from the action of the Albany Committees; body, exclusively, such enactments as any one sec land we may confidently invite the Whigs of tion would have preferred. They were epacted, as he believed, constitutionally, and in conformity the whole union to a

onformity' the whole Union to a candid consideration of with all the requirements and forms necessary to the views presented. On the liberal, consecure obedience, and to demand submission to ciliatory, constitutional, and conservative their provisions. If, in any respect, either of them

grounds thus set forth and agreed to, there was liable to any constitutional objection, the Con. stitution itself provided the tribunal which was to

need be no further contrariety of action adjudge the question. He believed that they did among any who are actuated by disinterested pot, in all respects, meet the views of the Presi- desires for the stability of the Union, and its dent of the United States, but they received his highest purposes. It appears to be conceded official sanction and signature; and in his opinion the President could not have done otherwise than

by all, that nothing but mischief can come give that sanction. As President of the United

from the further agitation of those abstract States, bis responsibilities were very different from points on which those differences, now hapthose of a representative in Congress from the pily harmonized, arose. No man, we think, Erie District.

dare again, in the present temper of the “ From the moment that the compromise measures became laws, he (Gov. F.) had unhesitatingly. country, open anew the unprofitable and at all times, avowed his acquiescence in them. 'Ze dangerous theme. All sides must see that would not allow his private judgment as to some of nothing practical could come from it; whilst their provisions to interfere with his duty, either as it is inevitable that all those measures essena citizen or as a magistrate, to uphold the suprem- tial to the business. the strength, and the acy of the laws, to submit to its provisions, to let it be enforced : and he would add, while he could / progress of the Nation must be left untouched. not sacrifice the right to maintain his own opinions Parties must become utterly disintegrated or with regard to the impolicy of some of the details dead, the soul of their principles being gone, of those laws, he would not here, or in any posi- | whilst demagogues and other harpies prev tion, or at any time, press those objections for the purpose of agitation, or to the risk of producing or

upon the lifeless bodies that in their living reviving sectional controversies or embittered geo energy and generous strife for their legitigraphical divisions. Believing that the Constitu- mate principle, animated the body politic with tion entitled the South to laws, efficient to secure the a wholesome antagonism. rights which were guaranteed to it, he could not look with favor upon a proposition for repeal ; and while he earnestly hoped for a modification and excitement to show the temper of all. Those amendment of some of the provisions of these laws, principles which cannot be yielded on either the time of excitement was not, in his opinion, the side, have been clearly brought into view. time for wise and prudent action. He did not The rights of all have been clearly defined desire, at present, to discuss these questions. He hoped and believed that the time would soon

in the intense discussions already had, and come, when the excitement of the late agitation the duties of all have been made plain ; so should be only a matter of history, and should, that “he that runs may read.”

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