significant, we had almost said terrible pas- | fatal to those constitutional guarantees on sage : "Sir, there is no solicitude now for liberty. Who talks of liberty when any great question comes up? Here is a question of the first magnitude as to the conduct of this war; do you hear any body talk about its effects upon our liberties and our free institutions? No, sir. That was not the case formerly. In the early stages of our government the great anxiety was, how to preserve liberty. The great anxiety now is for the attainment of mere military glory. In the one we are forgetting the other. The maxim of former times was, that power is always stealing from the many to the few; the price of liberty was perpetual vigilance. They were constantly looking out and watching for danger. Not so now. Is it because there has been any decay of liberty among the people? Not at all. I believe the love of liberty was never more ardent, but they have forgotton the tenure of liberty by which alone it is pre served. We think we may now indulge in every thing with impunity, as if we held our charter of liberty by right divine'-from Heaven itself. Under these impressions we plunge into war, we contract heavy debts, we increase the patronage of the Executive, and we talk of a crusade to force our in stitutions of liberty upon all people. There is no species of extravagance which our people imagine will endanger their liberty in any degree. Sir, the hour is approaching-the day of retribution It will come as certainly as I am now addressing the Senate, and when it does come, awful will be the reckoning; heavy the responsi bility somewhere." will come. which they rely for the security of their rights against such fanaticism. If our treaty obligations with other nations, and the laws enacted by ourselves to carry them into effect, are to be thus infamously trifled with, who can tell what other laws, no less sacred, will share the same fate? Resistance to such a spirit, in any and all its forms, is the most sacred political obligation that can rest upon a republican citizen, be he of what party or what section he may. It will easily be perceived that these last sentences have been penned in view of the new hydra head that is just making itself the Texan abomination. It bids fair to be in the Cuban attempt to repeat apparent a monster more hideous than the last-a much more illegitimate progeny of the lawless party of the Republic. Those desperadoes who engage in it, without the honor, heroism, or courage to regard it as a purely personal adventure, but desire to tarnish the honor of this nation by involving it in the scheme, will (there is no alternative) either meet their own destruction, or bring destruction upon this Union. From the questions growing out of the Texan scheme we have barely escaped this result. This, following so closely upon it, would inevitably effect it. But passing these principles, let us proSuch is the tone and purpose of that un-ceed to the measures set forth by the Comscrupulous party; as plainly exhibited at mittees. That the Federal Government this day as it was when this warning was should undertake a judicious system of imuttered by this great and experienced states-provements of the rivers and harbors of the man. It has not, it is true, made as yet a new country, is, we believe, a universally admitfield of action such as it had then; but it is ted doctrine by Whigs of all sections. rapidly preparing to do so, and thus strike another blow at the Union and existence of these States, which if it is permitted to do we have no doubt will be its death-blow. How necessary then for the Whigs to reiterate and claim as belonging to the party the doctrine of Administrative Economy; the accountability and limitation of the powers of public officers; the faithful performance in letter and spirit of our obligations to other nations; a scrupulous regard for their rights, and firm maintenance of our own. What reliance can any section of the country have, for the observance of their constitutional rights, upon a party that practically consider nothing as law but the demagogue-excited fanaticism of the hour? What madness in the South, for instance, to encourage in any degree this spirit so utterly The miserable fallacies which the other party have opposed to this beneficent measure are utterly unworthy of refutation. They have in fact already failed to prevent its passage through Congress; and the arbitrary tyranny of the veto had to be resorted to to destroy the bill. The internal commerce and facility of communication between almost any two States of this Union, is of more consequence than our whole external relations, if we except one or two nations. The party that opposes this measure has no objection to spending thousands of dollars through chargés and ambassadors in obtaining commercial arrangements with the most insignificant nations-arrangements many of which only benefit two or three mercantile firms-such is the force of traditional, technical politics; whilst they stren uously oppose expenditures by the Govern- of their country, are bound hand and foot ment, which in a single year might save and must labor for whatever the avarice of from absolute destruction property beyond their master pleases to pay them? The the whole amount required, and through false political systems of the European all time facilitate the flow of that "vital cur- nations reach and enslave us, to a greater rent" of prosperity-the internal trade be- or less degree, as long as this state of affairs tween the various States of the Union-that lasts. The British system of "free trade" of all other things most tends to cement our pharisaically demands that we should connationality, and insure prosperity and inde-sider our "brethren in bonds as bound with pendence. them;" but we would rather invite the bondFollowing this, we have a statement of men to leave their shackles behind, and join the doctrine of Protection to our native in- us in the establishment of a nation, that in dustry, at the present time the most pressing its political, social and economical equality necessity of all. We write in the midst of and perfection, will by its peaceful progress a threatened commercial crisis and convul- shame those nations into the adoption of a sion, when money is commanding on the like system of freedom, equality and justice. best mercantile paper fifteen per cent. per Such are the wide, important, world-embraannum; and that in the midst of the unex- cing views with which we would advocate ampled influx of gold from our Pacific pos- protection to American industry and Amerisessions. It is notorious that this alarming can freedom. A freedom thus secured and fact is owing to the excessive purchases of thus protected appears to us to go beyond foreign goods, induced by a most senseless the mere political idea usually attached to and undiscriminating ad-valorem tariff; a the term, and, if thoroughly understood and tariff that is throwing into the hands of carried out, to be the solution for most of other nations all the pecuniary advantages the social enigmas that perplex and distract we expected to reap from that amazing the age-so far at least as that solution is enterprise of our countrymen, by which to be sought for, or expected, outside of the they have opened to the world the vast individual regeneration. riches so long hidden in the streams and mountains of California. We are taking all the risk and they all the profit. Whilst we are making these excessive purchases abroad, and thus contributing to pay the grinding taxations of monarchical powers required for their senseless splendors and excessive debts, -debts contracted, in many cases, to put down the liberties of man,-our own mills, mines and furnaces are to an alarming extent idle and useless, the capital invested in them utterly unproductive. Our farmers are obliged to expend most of their labor in cultivating the most unprofitable products, in consequence of the limitation of the home market, and to sell them at the most unremunerating rates, in order to compete, in a market three or four thousand miles off, with products grown on the spot, or only brought across the British channel, or from the shores of the Baltic sea. Our republican system demands and requires protection to our republican laborers. Of what avail is it, so far as their material well-being is concerned, that these classes have the franchise of freemen and a voice in all the affairs of state, if they are obliged to compete with those who, having no voice in the legislation Other results there are of this measure of protection to our native industry, that reach beyond the mere economic, (this, too, we also claim as has so often been demonstrated in these pages,) calculated, with that we have referred to, to inspire the party that maintains it with a unity of devotion and an enthusiasm of action, before which the theorists for a mere material national wealth, however unequally distributed, should be swept away as chaff before the wind. One of these is diversity of labor and enterprise. Looking at the gigantic and horrible evils resulting from the competition among laborers for the same employment, as recently exhibited in such books as "London Labor and the London Poor," "Alton Locke," &c.,-undeniable representations of facts,-every thoughtful statesman must be led to the conclusion, that here is discovered the pit-fall of modern civilization, the inevitable doom of unrestricted or unadjusted competition; and that unless this gulf be avoided, his labor for his country or mankind is in vain, and there can be no continuous progress for the race. Modern civilization, like the ancient, must fall into ruin. The human intellect must return to also a science and an art, infinitely more efficient and refined. Such are the doctrines of internal improvement and protection to our native industry in their more enlarged aspects, and in those results of them, that appeal to the deeper principles of our nature, demanding from us by all the motives of patriotism and humanity an enthusiasm and a self-sacrifice that should induce us to bear and forbear every thing to the last point of honor, with all who are with us in the sacred cause, that we may present an unbroken front to its enemies. Contrast these beneficent principles with the barren negations that constitute the creed of our opponents, and say which should be considered the party of progress and action? barbarism and anarchy, and again lie fallow reacting upon agriculture itself, make of it through "dark ages," to renew its strength for another contest with Fate. Now this diversity of industrial occupations, in which it would appear that the very safety of civilization itself rests, can only be obtained by us in the present condition of the world by Protection. Besides this vital result involved in the proper establishment of diversity of occupations, there are others of the greatest importance. Nations are educated, refined, and invigorated by their pursuits more than by any other causes. Intellect is thus developed in all directions. Thus only can be acquired that combination of scientific discovery and mechanical skill, in which almost the entire strength of modern nations consists. From whence have come those inventions and improvements that indicate the existence of a living energy in nations? Where, but from the centres of diversified industry, where minds, clashing together, communicate to each other those various ideas which, combined by excited genius. produce those great results that constitute real national glory? They come not from the necessarily isola ted condition of an exclusively rural population. This kind of population is undoubtedly the most important of all-the great underlying foundations of the social edifice; but remaining a dead level of mere material comfort, unless it be surrounded and interpenetrated, by centres of more varied industry and enterprise: places where the genius for other pursuits, which will inevitably appear in almost every family among this population, may find its legitimate field of action, instead of chafing in uncongenial pursuits, or rusting in inactivity. The English doctrines of free trade, so industriously promulgated among our farmers, may tempt their adherence by some of their plausibilities. But should they not consider to what a dead level it must consign them-what a restricted freedom they would have, if they must be confined to the one round, no matter what desires, genius, or ambition their sons may possess? Yes, this great foundation of society must be so laid and so cemented, that from out it and incorporated with it, may arise those structures of mechanical and manufacturing ingenuity, those domes of science and temples of art, that not only educate, dignify, and perpetuate the fame of a people; but Responding to the call of these Committees of the Whigs of the great State of New-York, we have thus endeavored to present in bold, though rude outlines the principles and measures that have heretofore bound together the great constitutional party of the Union and the laws. We have done this that we may show the imperative reasons for a universal acquiescence in the principles upon which they have agreed to forego all action upon sectional issues; holding each to their own opinions and rights, yielding only, but implicitly, to the Constitution and the laws, respecting the rights and opinions of others, but demanding the like obedience. The opinions that divided the party were upon matters that have been settled after the most thorough discussion. These committees express no desire to disturb that settlement, but, on the contrary, yield an unqualified submission to the laws that have been passed to effect it. They recognize the right, without any reservation, of every State to regulate its own municipal institutions without any interference, directly or indirectly. Any action tending to resist, defeat, or render ineffectual any laws passed by Congress, they unqualifiedly condemn. They have unreservedly expressed their confidence in, and demanded the support of, the party for the administration of President Fillmore; an administration whose principles in reference to that subject are emphatically summed up in the following sentiments:— "The series of measures to which I have al luded are regarded by me as a settlement, in prin ciple and substance-a final settlement of the * * * * * dangerous and exciting subjects which they em- "The President's Message, at the opening of the present session of Congress, expresses fully and plainly his own and the unanimous opinion of all those associated with him in the Executive administration of the Government, in regard to what are called the Adjustment or Compromise measures of last session. That opinion is, that those measures should be regarded in principle as a final settlement of the dangerous and exciting subjects which they embrace; that though they were not free from imperfections, yet, in their mutual dependence and connection, they formed a system of compromise the most conciliatory and best for the entire country that could be obtained from conflicting sectional interests and opinions, and that therefore they should be adhered to, until time and experience should demonstrate the necessity of further legislation to guard against evasion or abuse. That opinion, so far as I know, remains entirely unchanged, and will be acted upon steadily and decisively. The peace of the country requires this; the security of the Constitution requires this; and every consideration of the public good demands this. If the Administration cannot stand upon the principles of the message, it does not expect to stand at all."-Daniel Webster's Letter to the Union Meeting at Westchester. Such we believe have become, or are rapidly becoming, the universal sentiments of the Whigs of this State, and of the whole country. The election of ex-Governor Fish to the Senate of the United States last winter, was deemed by many as an evidence of a contrary tendency. But this was a conclusion without data. How false it was, may be seen by the following extracts from a speech delivered by him on the 4th of July last, before the Cincinnati Society: loyalty to Union and the Government under which we live. And at the same time he wished the scrutiny into his past life to be extended so as to detect if possible any instance in which he had manifested a disposition to agitate any sectional or exciting question whereby any parts of the Country, or any classes of the community, might be arrayed against others, or which might tend in any degree to disturb the mutual confidence and attachment between all sections and all classes, which is essential to the preservation of the government which has been transmitted to us. He had always endeavored to avoid and discountenance the unnecessary discussion of all sectional questions. In the high office which he had lately which then disturbed the public mind; those quesheld he had felt it his duty to refer to questions tions were then present; their decision was to be made, and it was necessary that the voice of the had the honor to be placed, should be heard. It great State, at the head of whose government he was due to her-it was due to her sister Statesit was due to the General Government-that the views, the feelings, and the determination of NewYork with regard to those most embarrassing questions, should be declared. In two annual messages to the Legislature he had endeavored what he believed to be the sincere and abiding calmly, but truthfully and faithfully, to present conviction, upon the then pending issues, of the large mass of the people of this State, without reference to their party predilections. And in so tertained views. Those views are before the pubdoing, he gave utterance to his own honestly enlic and upon record, and from the almost unanifrom other indications of public sentiment, he had mous expression of the Press at the time, and almost universal response from the people who reason to believe that they met a general, an had placed him in the position from which he had felt bound to give utterance to those opinions. He thanked God that he was an American citizen -a citizen of the Union of thirty-one States. He prayed that that Union should never lose any one of its members. He was, too, a Northern man, with all the love of Northern men for universal freedom; he found in that, however, nothing inconsistent with his duty as a member of a confederacy consisting of Southern as well as Northern men. Strong and ardent as were his attachments to all the cherished principles of the North, much as he might deplore the existence of human slavery, he felt that it was an institution wholly within the jurisdiction of those States which see fit to allow it. He respected their rights to regulate their internal policy according to their own convic "[A member present put the question, Are you in favor of the compromise measures of the last Congress-Gov. Fish would answer that questions, and no act of his would interfere with the tion. He had been for several years in various public positions, and in none had he ever attempted to conceal his opinions upon any public question upon which it became his duty to express them. He challenged the closest examination of his whole life, both public and private, for any evidence of desire to evade the expression of his sentiments upon any question of public interest, or for the slightest evidence of any action or sentiment to justify a suspicion of the want of respect and deference to the laws of the land, or of devotion and rights. He respected too, and would abide by, all compromises of the Constitution, in the spirit in which they were framed. He considered that their adoption had been essential to the formation of the Constitution under which we had become a free, a great and a happy nation; and he considered also that their faithful observance was necessary to the perpetuity of that Constitution, and the preservation of the Union which it has blessed. "Such had ever been his sentiments. When the compromise measures of the last Congress were 186 Unity of the Whigs: Their Principles and Measures. September, under consideration, they did not meet his approval. I from its remembrance, serve to draw more closely In several particulars he thought them liable to the bonds which had united, and will again for objection. One, particularly, he thought open to long years unite in friendly, harmonious, and conexception as well on the ground of omission as of fiding affection and sympathy and brotherhood, the enactment. He recognized the rights which the remotest portions of our common country; and Constitution had guaranteed to the South, and he when, he confidently believed, the justice of our believed the South to be entitled to the enactment brethren in one section of the country will not of laws which should be efficient to the enjoyment deny the reasonable demands of those in another. of those rights. He thought that those laws (the He earnestly and anxiously hoped for the arrival compromise measures) might have been made of that day." equally effective as a measure of relief and protection to the South, while they might have been deprived of some features which tend to irritate and excite the North, and at the same time, by possibility, unnecessarily to jeopard the rights of the free citizen. He thought that without impairing any principle they might have been improved repose, and so as to afford the country substantial: the President could not have done otherwise than Erie District. "From the moment that the compromise measures became laws, he (Gov. F.) had unhesitatingly, at all times, avowed his acquiescence in them. He would not allow his private judgment as to some of their provisions to interfere with his duty, either as a citizen or as a magistrate, to uphold the supremacy of the laws, to submit to its provisions, to let it be enforced; and he would add, while he could not sacrifice the right to maintain his own opinions with regard to the impolicy of some of the details of those laws, he would not here, or in any position, or at any time, press those objections for the purpose of agitation, or to the risk of producing or reviving sectional controversies or embittered geographical divisions. Believing that the Constitution entitled the South to laws, efficient to secure the rights which were guaranteed to it, he could not look with favor upon a proposition for repeal; and while he earnestly hoped for a modification and amendment of some of the provisions of these laws, the time of excitement was not, in his opinion, the time for wise and prudent action. He did not desire, at present, to discuss these questions. He hoped and believed that the time would soon come, when the excitement of the late agitation should be only a matter of history, and should, We have not thought proper to curtail these remarks, as they appear to us to exhibit the true temper and feeling of the Whigs of the State of New-York, and to be calculated to allay all fears that have been entertained of a re-opening of the issues to which they refer. They confirm and strength[en the inferences and hopes we have drawn from the action of the Albany Committees ; and we may confidently invite the Whigs of the whole Union to a candid consideration of the views presented. On the liberal, conciliatory, constitutional, and conservative grounds thus set forth and agreed to, there need be no further contrariety of action among any who are actuated by disinterested desires for the stability of the Union, and its highest purposes. It appears to be conceded by all, that nothing but mischief can come from the further agitation of those abstract points on which those differences, now happily harmonized, arose. No man, we think, dare again, in the present temper of the country, open anew the unprofitable and dangerous theme. All sides must see that nothing practical could come from it; whilst it is inevitable that all those measures essential to the business, the strength, and the progress of the Nation must be left untouched. Parties must become utterly disintegrated or dead, the soul of their principles being gone, whilst demagogues and other harpies prey upon the lifeless bodies that in their living energy and generous strife for their legitimate principle, animated the body politic with a wholesome antagonism. Yes, there has been enough discussion and excitement to show the temper of all. Those principles which cannot be yielded on either side, have been clearly brought into view. The rights of all have been clearly defined in the intense discussions already had, and the duties of all have been made plain; so that "he that runs may read." |