an interesting acquaintance which I shall culti- | declaration in the name of the Italian corps, but vate with care. As to Bentham, the eccentricity without signature, in which with signal bad faith of his character and the difficulty of approaching I am accused of not having wished to take part in him are things known here. Bowring is his favor- this expedition through motives unworthy of me. ite; but of Bowring I have as yet seen very little. I do not think it my duty to reply to an anonyI hope soon to see Wilberforce and Brougham. I mous production. I own it is very sad. I shall have received some invitations from several radi- never be wanting in that kind of courage which cals; but it is not proper to show myself in very an upright man must have against calumny. That intimate connection with the extreme radical which afflicts me is, the evil which it does to a party." party that I do not prefer to my country and do not confound with my country, but to which I am nevertheless attached." "December 10th, 1822. "I have received news from my wife. She and our children are exceedingly well; but my eldest, Theodore, disquiets me: he has need of instruction, of superintendence; he has need of his father, in a word, and yet it is impossible for me to call him after me. My feeble resources are being rapidly exhausted." I do not at all think of Portugal or Spain, where Collegno has gone. My political principles by no means call me thither. "You speak to me in terms of gentleness, and I thank for it; you I love them much. It is just a year since we were together at Arcueil. What a sweet life I lived there! Only if I had not seen you suffer. But perhaps what you cost me of grief in this respect only increased my feeling for you. This feeling will end only with my existence, and I hope with Socrates that it will next end in a long time." "April 14th, 1823. "I must scold you for not having yet sent me the first volume of Plato. I have read it at the house of Bossange. I came near opening my purse, although so thin, and paying the bookseller ten or twelve shillings in order to carry the book in my pocket and devour it at my ease. It seemed to me a species of affront not to have in my possession this dear volume, the greater part of which I saw produced and matured. I have a real right to it. "I hope soon to go to the country. It is absolutely impossible for me to work in London. Calls to make and receive; several dinners during the week; half the day in the endless streets of London; many evenings at the table to see bottles opened which I do not touch; in short, I do nothing but read a little, make a few notes. I do not in reality work. But I swear to you I shall not continue this sort of life, and that i shall soon busy myself in some corner of Wales. "I have received and read with infinite pleasure the translation of Manzoni, by Fanriel; it is exquisite. The work of Manzoni on the unities has seemed to me perfect, and as it were has converted me. Adelchi pleases me less than Carmagnola, the merit of which increases in my eyes every time I read it; but the choruses of Adelchi are ravishingly beautiful. "There has just been printed at Barcelona a You 'May 25th, 1823. No, I wish to accept nothing from any one. One can have only his intimate friend for a patron, and I have closed the list for ever. have been enrolled the last, in regard to the date; but so far as affection is concerned you can have no second place: my heart very clearly tells me that I love as well as you, although not in the same that. There is a very small number of persons manner; I am sure that I love no one better than you. All that I owe to you costs me nothing, absolutely nothing. I believe if you had a million I might ask you for half of it without hesitation. I have finally left the dissipated life of London, and am established with Count Porro in a small house, called here a cottage, at the extremity of the city, as at Paris lodgings would be at Montrouge or at Chaillot. This is absolutely like the country: from my window I have a view of Regent Canal and the cottages built on the opposite bank. One would believe it to be a hundred leagues from a great city, and yet in twenty minutes one can be in Oxford street or in Hyde Park, in the midst of the most elegant promenaders. Our cottage belongs to Foscolo; I love it much, but Arcueil will always be my favorite. I have kept of it a souvenir-I may say a tender souvenir; sadness is mingled with it when I recollect how I saw you suffer. It is possible I may spend the coming autumn and even the winter in my cottage; I must have retirement and labor. If I can procure a livelihood I shall send for my family. With the resources of my wife, and what I can get here by working, our means of living will be sufficient. If my hopes deceive me in regard to ways of getting money, then we shall have to establish ourselves in Wurtemberg, since Switzerland is closed to us." shall get some exercise in it, this writing will take | Much have I desired happiness, and I have posonly half of my time, and I shall be able to give the other half to my old projects. "I have written you that I do not much please the English, and in general this is true enough; but there are nevertheless some persons upon whose friendship I think I can rely. I know, among others, a family of Quakers, (the Fry family,) which is engaged in commerce, and rich, one of the members of which, the mother of the family, Catherine Fry, is known in England by the care which she bestows on the prisoners of New-I shall also have my country before my eyes. gate. I have passed some days with them in the country, and this family has made on me a pro found impression. sessed a great faculty for feeling it. I mourn the new era. "I have read the Parga of Berchet three times. The third part is a master-piece. In the other parts there are passages spun out to considerable length, yet they are wanting in interesting and "Let me hope seriously to see you during the necessary details. Berchet has just published two Italian romances; the first is written with much year 1824. Your passport will not be obstinatefervor and grace, but the second has a more seriously denied. Henceforth either I am deceived, or character; it is a morsel of poetry perfectly beauti- the French government will become still more strengthened, which cannot but happen, unless great follies are committed. If you are watched, it must be seen that your whole life is devoted to philosophy. A passport then will not be refused to you, and I shall embrace you on the shores of England in spite of the eyes of gaping English ful. "September 18th. I am very well, and continue to work. Dear friend, I must think of the desire which I have of pleasing you, by doing my duty, in order to surmount my dislike. I have received from Turin a letter which has done me good; I expect one with I shall impatience from the Villa Santa-Rosa. send in the coming spring for those poor creatures associated in my unfortunate destiny. You shall see them on their passage at Paris." erature. "30th September. "I continue to labor in the same manner, earning my living at the expense of all my designs. At present I am writing an essay on Italian lit Work has increased in my hands. How can I pass over certain men and certain epochs In reviewing the adventurous lives of Giordano Bruno, of Campanella, and some others of this stamp, I have been forcibly reminded of you. This Florentine Platonism whence sprang a generous and valiant youth, that would have saved the country if such could have been, but they at least saved honor. We Italians of the nineteenth ceutury have not even had this advantage. There are, my friend, thoughts that pursue a man all his life you understand me, and you ought to pity me. How many times do I reproach myself, and at what price would I not purchase back those thirty days of a political career marked by so many errors. Forty years of my life have fled. men. It wearies me to write articles for the journals. I could wish to contribute a little to the honor of this poor and unhappy country, to which I have sacrificed all the sweets of existence. The glorious example of Manzoni must inflame every Italian who has any heart or any talent. Berchet behaves well and appears to be quite happy. He has promised me to write a good number of romances similar to his last; if he keeps his word he will have created a new style." "18th October. "Yes, my friend, there must be in my interior life, in my affections, a certain superstition; what has just happened confirms me in this belief. This 18th day of October, this day upon which I complete my fortieth year, and upon which I am shut up, invisible in my little heritage, meditating upon my misfortunes, upon my future, surrounding myself with my dearest recollections, with my sweetest friendships; this day, even at this moment, your letter of the 12th and your Plato are brought to me. Of the Roman race and of the Roman blood, I accept the augury, as was done in the times of Camilla and Dentatus. I seize my pen immediately to answer you in this first delicious moment of life. Oh what a mysterious and divine thing is the human heart! how much I deplore the doctrines of materialism! I was thinking of it when your Plato arrived. We both believe in what is good, in order. Philosophy is not knowing a great deal, but placing oneself high. In this respect alone I think myself a phi losopher, notwithstanding my ignorance in so many things. Adieu: I leave you. To day I be long entirely to myself, and it is only because I love you as I do, that I have written to you A dieu once more." [CONCLUDED IN NEXT NUMBER.] LOUIS KOSSUTH AND HIS COUNTRY. THE expected visit of Kossuth to this country-and, perhaps, by the time this shall have been put into print, he will have arrived-renders it proper that we should give some particulars concerning a man who has already filled so large a portion of modern history. In connection with the subject it may be as well to glance at the nature of the struggle of which he was the chief hero, and which seems, on this side of the Atlantic, to be but little understood. Indeed little is known, except that the oldest constitutional monarchy in the world was that of Hungary. The Magyars are oriental in their origin. The exact country from which they came is a mystery, though a tribe in the north of China, now existing, and speaking a tongue very similar to the Magyar, may throw some light on the subject. All that we have in the way of history is an anonymous register of King Bela the Third, in 1170, which informs us that the Hungarian nation occupied Pannonia, (the modern Hungary,) which had been conquered by their ancestors, the Huns, emigrants from the centre of Asia; that the government at that time was not kingly, but conducted by seven rulers (chief leaders) chosen freely by the people. On their entrance into Pannonia, Arpad was chosen as sole ruler, and his descendants long after were elected by the people to the same dignity. Saint Stephen, the grandson of Arpad, introduced Christianity into the country in the year 1000, and was formally crowned King-two crowns having been sent to him, one by the Greek Emperor, and the other by the Pope. These two diadems, united into one, make the crown of St. Stephen, with which, by the Hungarian law, it is necessary for each King to be crowned. With King Stephen came the first written articles of the constitution, containing a series of liberal propositions, voted by the national assembly, and confirmed by the monarch; astonishing from the fact that they were created during the incipiency of civilization, and when liberalism was utterly VOL. VIII. NO. V. NEW SERIES. unknown. During the reign of this dynasty, which closed in the thirteenth century, the constitution received several very important additions; amongst the rest the celebrated Bulla Aurea, which may be regarded as the Magna Charta of Hungarian freedom. When the race of Arpad became extinct, the nation resumed the right to choose its rulers; and among the elected monarchs were some of the most illustrious. Under Louis the Great, in 1300, the frontiers of Hungary were washed by the Black, Baltic and Adriatic seas; and under Matthias Corvinus, in 1460, it became the most powerful of European nations. In 1445, when Europe was threatened by the Ottoman, who had swallowed up the Greek empire,-after Mohammed the Second, who respected his warlike neighbors, had offered in vain to divide with them the empire of Europe,the Magyars entered the field as the champions of Christendom. Mohammed attacked Hungary with two hundred thousand men, and three hundred pieces of artillery, at that time a novel weapon. He was met at Belgrade by the celebrated John Hunyadi, the father of Matthias Corvinus, with thirty-five thousand Magyars, and, after three days' hard fighting, utterly and irretrievably routed. For nearly a century the position of Hungary was a proud one, in spite of many reverses; but the disastrous battle of Mohats, whereby the Turks were enabled to overrun Hungary, caused the nation to bestow the crown on Ferdinand of Hapsburg, the then Emperor of Germany; and with the accession of this monarch were sown the seeds of Hungarian ruin. From that time date all the misfortunes of the Hungarian nation. The most skilful intrigues were directed toward the entire annihilation of the constitution and national existence. To further the infamous purpose, deceit, treachery and violonce were freely employed. Thus it was that the first Hapsburg sat on the Hungarian throne. And it was by a continuance of the same policy, that the Hungarians were compelled to elect 26 prince after prince of the same dynasty. It is true that many patriots endeavored to avert the calamity which their clear vision saw to be impending, but were unsuccessful; and after the royalty was made hereditary in the family of Hapsburg, in 1687, these true-hearted men became objects of relentless persecution. Revolution after revolution was contrived, but invariably betrayed before each had arrived at a crisis, by some one of the foreigners introduced through policy. These plots were quenched by the blood of their projectors; the executioner received full employment; and the Zrinyi, Frangepan, Wesselenyi, Nadasdi, and other illustrious families of Hungary were rendered extinct. garian soil, after swearing a solemn oath to uphold the constitution of the realm. In the year 1687, the royalty was made hereditary in the house of Hapsburg; and in 1723, this arrangement was extended, in favor of Maria Theresa, to the descendants of King Charles the Third. This act is known in history as the Pragmatic Sanction. But this Pragmatic Sanction contains nothing. but the acceptance and regulation of the law of succession, nnder the same conditions guaranteed by the coronation oath, and by all the laws preceding and following the compact itself. So far was Hungary from becoming a province of Austria, that to the very year of 1850, not a single Austrian was allowed to hold office in Hungary. An Austrian was a foreigner in Hungarian law and practice. An Austrian subject was not a citizen of Hungary, and to achieve the priv To uphold the constitution, and to insure its solemn acceptance and observance by every member of the house of Hapsburg, was at all times the unremitting care of the Hungarian nation. To possess Hungary without any condition; to subject the Hungarian nobles and citizens to arbitrary measures of government; to reign over the land as though it were but one of their many conquered provinces; and finally, to merge its nationality in the Austrian empire, made up at all times the fondest wish and highest Another great misfortune which took place after the battle of Mohats, was the separation of Transylvania from Hungary. From the deep hatred and distrust enter-ilege of citizenship, had to be naturalized tained for the new dynasty, it was an easy by the same process of law as an alien from task for Sigismond Zápolya to cause Tran- any other foreign country. sylvania to revolt and form a distinct sovereignty. Thus it was that Transylvania for a century and a half existed as a separate State, ruled by its own Grand Dukes, who were elected under its constitution, and standing as a barrier between Turkey and Austria-sometimes protected by one or other of these powers, and occasionally, under illustrious rulers, the most fearful enemy of both. During the seventeenth century, the Turk, having lost pachalic after pachalic, was, after the capture of Buda, driven forth from Hungarian soil. Transyl-object of ambition of the house of Hapsburg. vania being under the government of a weak chief, and admiring the energy then displayed by the house of Hapsburg, submitted to the dominion of the latter. But, having been separated for some time from Hungary, her constitution was really more liberal than that of the latter. Therefore, though she accepted the same sovereign, she remained an independent State. Religion and policy were made subservient to this purpose by the Austrian Emperors; religion and policy were invoked by its opponents to defeat the plans of the Court. Thus the Austrian Government was to be seen favoring ostensibly the cause of Catholicism in Hungary, and attempting to hide its passion for political conquest under the cloak of a pretended religious zeal. ProtOf these changes it must be observed, estantism in Hungary stood always by the that, though Hungary and Transylvania constitution, and would have preferred a accepted the Austrian Archduke as their league with the Turk to submission to the sovereign, it was done by virtue of solemn absolute tendencies of Austria. The attreaty, and in pursuance of their powers as tempts, covert and open, for the purpose of independent nations. In accepting the defeating the constitutional party, made succrown of Hungary, the Archduke of Austria cessively by the Austrian princes, have rewas obliged to give all the necessary guar-peatedly forced the Hungarian nation to antees, and by the constitution it was neces- defend its liberties by force of arms. sary for each succeeding King to be crowned tacked in its own bounds, formerly as now, with the diadem of St. Stephen, upon Hun- it carried the war into the territories of the At monarch who attempted to impose his rule | cluding all the tribunals, independent, i. e., over it, in violation of his coronation oath. entangled with no other people or kingdom, In this way the Hungarian nation was, but having her own consistence and constifor successive generations, exposed to all tution, to be governed accordingly, by her those artifices which ambitious monarchs and legitimately crowned King, after her peculiar their wily counsellors employ to defeat a laws and customs." national opposition to their plans. Valuable rights were thus, by the continual agitation, gradually taken away; and had it not been for the general opposition, Hungary could not have escaped being conquered in the midst of profound peace. After various movements made by several Kings with the design of destroying Hungarian liberty, and repeated attempts to merge Hungary in Austria, followed by corresponding insurrections, the long struggle begun by Leopold the First was ended in 1711, by Joseph the First, who by his solemn oath confirmed the ancient constitution. Joseph the Second, having united the most absolute tyranny with highly popular and winning manners, used every means to annihilate the Hungarian municipalities, and to substitute the use of the German for the Magyar language. In order to further his designs, he raised the Wallachian people against the Magyar nobles in Transylvania, in 1784; and gave the example of a war of extermination so successfully imitated by his successor at the present time. This conduct kindled a revolt which was only pacified in 1790 by Leopold the Second, who withdrew his brother's pretensions and abandoned his invasion of the constitution of the realm. The twenty articles of the diploma of inauguration in 1790, by virtue of which Leopold the Second ascended the Hungarian throne, after generally affirming the independence of the Crown, the laws and the privileges of Hungary, among other enactments proceed to decree triennial convocations of the Diet, exclusion of foreigners, viz., Austrians, from the government, and the residence of the Emperor-King, during a portion of every year, in his Hungarian dominions. They declare that the King can neither make laws nor impose taxes without the consent of the Diet; that royal proclamations, unless countersigned by one at least of the Boards of the Hungarian Government, are null and void; and in the tenth article of the same diploma it is distinctly avowed, that "Hungary, with her appanages, is a free kingdom; and in regard to her whole legal form of government, in It is evident then that, by both law and practice, the hereditary States of Austria and Hungary have been always politically separate, and that their only union existed in the identity of their sovereign. The monarch, who was prince by absolute right in his German States, was not King of Hungary until he had been crowned with the crown of St. Stephen, at Presburg, and he had bound himself by a solemn oath to govern the country, with the co-operation of the Diet, according to the constitution and the laws. Thus it was that Joseph the Second, not having given the required guarantees, nor having been crowned according to the prescribed form, was never recognized as sovereign; his acts and ordinances are void and of no effect; and his name does not appear upon the list of Hungarian Kings. This indisputable independence of Hungary was farther acknowledged and confirmed by Francis the First, who, when the German empire ceased and determined, assumed the title of Emperor of Austria. In the act drawn up by him on that occasion, it is distinctly declared, that "the provinces of the Hungarian crown, in their quality as a separate kingdom, are quite distinct from the provinces of the Austrian realm, of which they are not, in any way, a constituent part." These are the several compacts upon which is founded the rule of the house of Hapsburg over Hungary. Transylvania was acquired by the same house in 1690, by a compact of several points, and entered not as a portion of the imperial or archducal property, but of the crown of Hungary. In this compact, similar precautions to those previously used by Hungary were taken. But, as we have before said, no entire union took place between Transylvania and Hungary. The only connection between them was, that the King of Hungary, on having been crowned with the diadem of St. Stephen, and complied with the remaining necessary formalities, became ipso facto Grand Duke of Transylvania; provided that the newlycrowned King dispatched a plenipotentiary to the Transylvanian Diet, who swore in the |