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"Elysee National, May 8, 1849. "My dear General-The telegraphic news announcing the unforeseen resistance which you have met under the walls of Rome, has greatly grieved me. I had hoped that the inhabitants of Rome, opening their eyes to evidence, would receive with eagerness an army which had arrived to accomplish a friendly and disinterested mission. This has not been the case. Our soldiers have been received as enemies. Our military honor is injured. I will not suffer it to be assailed, for reinforcements shall not be wanting to you. Tell your

And the following address to the Romans soldiers I appreciate their bravery, and take was issued by Avezzana :

"Romans! With inexpressible joy I have received and published the bulletin of General Garibaldi relative to the brilliant feat of arms at Palestrina, performed yesterday. Citizens! Modern Rome is like the ancient city, surrounded with enemies in the infancy of its republican life. But if the first came forth armed and powerful in war from being so often assailed, the second. innocent, pure from blood, cleansed from ambition, and aspiring only to the exercise of human rights, will be encouraged in her glorious mission by the sanctity of her cause, and protected by the justice of God. Persevere, therefore, Romans, with all courage. We will overcome our enemies; we will guard our rights; we will be the corner-stone of the rebuilding of Italy.

"The French threaten yet once more to return to the assault; we will chase them back again in the tracks they have left from the 30th of April. At the first discharge of cannon, let all the citizens run gallantly to arms, and fly to defend the walls and barricades. God is with us. The eternal right of the people shall not perish.

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"JOSEPH AVEZZANA, the General-in-Chief, Minister of War and Marine. Rome, 10th May, 1849.”

The effect of this reverse was sensibly felt by the Parisians, and throughout France. They were wounded in the tenderest point-in their military glory, and that too in fields where they had always been accustomed to victory. The administration of Louis Napoleon was discredited; upon it fell the greater share of the disgrace incurred. For it had not been imagined by the French people that their soldiers had been sent to Italy for the sole purpose of reinstating the Pope. They had been told it was to combat Austrian and Neapolitan influence, and their mortification and disappoint

ment were unbounded.

On this intelligence reaching Paris, the President addressed the following letter to General Oudinot, which was immediately published in the Moniteur:

part in what they endure, and that they may always rely upon my support and my gratitude. My dear General, receive the assurance of my sentiments of high esteem.

"LOUIS NAPOLEON BONAPARTE."

This letter has been severely discussed in the Legislative Assembly; but the ministers declared that it was merely a private letter of the President's, expressing his regret to the General, and was not in any way official-that they had no participation in it. It has been highly reprobated, as being an insult upon the Assembly, promising to send reinforcements without taking the opinion of the representatives of the nation on the subject.

No important event has since occurred in Italy up to the date of the last advices, excepting that the Spaniards have landed a small force, about 4000 men, at Fiunacini, to assist the Pope. It will be seen that the Romans have altogether acted the most noble part in these affairs, and that they are determined to resist to the uttermost. The next advices will be highly important. With regard to the sudden change of opinion which has taken place in France, and which, from a small minority of 85, has raised the number of Montagnards and Socialists in the National Assembly to 250, or perhaps 300, in the new Legislative Assembly, which is to consist of 750 members, we cannot do better than give our readers some extracts from the letters of Mr. F. Gail

lardet, the former editor, and now the correspondent, of the Courrier des Etats Unis. Mr. Gaillardet was a candidate for the Department of l'Yonne, comprising the whole of the former province of Burgundy, and which, in the election of the first Legislative Assembly, had shown an almost unanimous distaste for Socialist principles. Mr. Gaillardet obtained 27,158 votes, but was defeated by the Socialists, who obtained upwards of 28,000. This Department, which was considered the very incarnation of Bonapartism, has sent three Socialist members, out of eight, to represent them in the Assembly.

M. Gaillardet says, in a letter dated 24th May

"Now let us trace at what period and from

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what cause originated this opposition which The army, of which the obedience appeared in the country people wished to evince towards nowise doubtful, is at the present moment dithe government? It scarcely dates from a vided, the poison of socialism has infused itself month back. Yes, only a month ago the re- into its veins, and has borne with it a spirit of sult of the elections would have been altogether disaffection and disorder; nevertheless, these different. But in that short space of time the evils are not so widely spread as the party of administration, and the President himself, have anarchy had hoped. Of this we had a proof accumulated fault upon fault, imprudence on last Monday. The President reviewed the imprudence. The most serious of all was the whole of the garrison of Paris, amounting to expedition to Italy, and the check received at 50,000 men, in order to sound their feeling. the gates of Rome which was its consequence. This feeling was excellent. Louis Napoleon That mad attempt, which has metamorphosed was received with real and sincere enthusiasm our soldiers into soldiers of the Pope, has been by the regiments of every branch of the seraltogether unpopular in the eyes of our agri- vice, with the exception, perhaps, of the artilcultural population, who are naturally grum- lery and the engineer corps, who remained blers with regard to everything relating to silent. Paris, therefore, has resumed its confiChurch affairs. The President's letter, (to dence, and the exchange which, in the course General Oudinot,) General Changarnier's order of three days, had seen the public funds fall in of the day, which announced the intention of value thirteen francs, witnessed a rise of six in persevering in the intervention, added to the a single hour. It is probable that these enorfeeling of discontent already sufficiently vivid, mous and ruinous fluctuations may recur, and and when a telegraphic dispatch, sent into the more than once. We are unfortunately thrown departments by M. Leon Faucher, denouncing again into an era of alarms and uncertainties, as abettors of anarchy those representatives which but a few months since appeared to who had condemned the expedition, its arrival have ceased. So numerous have been the did good service to some whom it was intend- emigrations that have taken place, that gold ed to injure. In many places the President has risen to a premium of 33 francs per 1000. has become unpopular because he has de- Since the review, a great number of removals, ceived the expectations of those who wished which had commenced, have been counterfor nothing more than that he should nake❘ manded. So changeable a people are we, so himself emperor. Their disappointment threw readily do we pass from apprehension to secuthem into the opposite excess, and socialism rity. has to them all the charm of revenge, the "The advent of the Montagnards to a formitemptation of novelty and of forbidden fruit. dable state of constitutional opposition will They wish more from curiosity than convic-place France in a position more clearly defined tion to make a trial of it; if they felt its effects for three months they would reject with pitchforks those whom they have elevated. But this which gives weight to socialist doctrines is precisely that they are in the class of theoretical promises, and the trial of them would be too costly to permit it to be attempted. Fire is not to be played with. All that is now to be done is to extinguish it, or at all events to stop its farther progress.

"To accomplish this, the most opposite projects have been proposed. Every statesman has his own. Some demand merely that an end should be at once put to the republic, and that we should return to the empire by a coup d'etat. This advice, which has been offered to the President by more than one party, is the most fatal of all. It would plunge us at once into all the horrors of a civil war, and would lead Louis Bonaparte to Vincennes or to the scaffold. There was a moment when such an attempt did not appear to be impossible. It was the day on which Louis Bonaparte assumed power, backed by the fascination of his six millions of votes; but at the present moment that fascination has vanished. The country people, who then entertained a feeling of worship towards the nephew of their emperor, have begun to pull down their idol.

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than heretofore. But yesterday, many persons were dreaming of the possible return of institutions fallen into decay, whether in favor of the empire, an Orleans regency, or of legitimacy, all these visions are about to be dispelled, and there will be but one solid spot of ground on which an asylum and security can be found; that spot will be the Republic and the Constitution. It is there that all men, lovers of order, must meet to abjure their resentments, and enter into an alliance to counterpoise the fusion which is taking place in the ranks of their adversaries. For some time past Socialism has seen the Montagnards advancing towards it, whom they had formerly anathematized; they have been followed by the National, which has fraternally extended its hand to the Peuple of M. Proudhon. Every question having now but two visible aims, France will thus find herself divided into two camps, the one having Property for its banner, the other, Socialism, which is but one of the premises of Communism. The future being thus defined, it would be a manifest error to allow such men as Cavaignac, Lamoricière and M. Dufaure to remain without the pale of the camp of order, as on their part it would be a great crime should they refuse to enter it. If this holy alliance of all men of heart and of pro

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Principle cannot be compromised. Congress has the power to prohibit or admit slavery, and no one else. It is not in the territories; for their governments are the creatures of Congress, and its deputies, so far as any legislative power is concerned. It is not in the States separately; and this leads to one of the grossest delusions which has grown out of the political metaphysics of Mr. Calhoun. He claims a right for the citizens of the slave States to remove to New Mexico and California with their slave property. This is a profound error. The property is in the law which creates it, and the law cannot be carried an inch beyond the limits of the State which property, derived from a law of that State, an enacts it. No citizen of any State can carry inch beyond the boundary law of the State which creates it. The instant he passes that

We much regret that our want of space precludes us at this moment from recording so fully as we could desire, Mr. Benton's arguments against the admission of slaves into our new territories. He has made a noble stand, and his reasoning will doubtless have a most bene-boundary, to settle with his property, it beficial effect. Unfortunately we were not able to obtain a complete copy of the speech until nearly the whole of our number was in the press. We shall most probably revert to it on a future occasion.

Mr. Benton, by this speech, which was delivered at Jefferson, Missouri, on the 26th of May, has completely turned the tables on Mr. Calhoun, for he proves that as long ago as the presidency of Mr. Monroe, Mr. Calhoun, as cabinet minister, supported an act of Congress, couched in the very language of the Wilmot proviso, by which slavery was prohibited in that portion of Louisiana ceded by France to the United States, lying north of 36 degrees 30 min. north latitude, an area of nearly a million square miles.

Mr. Benton, speaking of the powers of Congress, says "Yes, citizens, Congress has the power to legislate upon slavery in territories, and to admit or prohibit its existence; in fact, to compromise it. She has the constitutional power, but can never hereafter exercise it. The new dogma of no power in Congress to legislate on the subject, has killed all compro-mise. Those who deny the power, cannot vote for it; it would be a breach of their oath. Those who want no slavery in the new territories, will not vote for compromise; and thus extremes meet, combine against the middle, and defeat all compromise. The resolutions of Mr. Calhoun have done this; and to talk about compromise now, is to propose to call Methusaleh from his tomb. The effect, if not the design, of his new dogma was to kill compromise, and dead it is. The constitution will not permit him and his followers to vote for any compromise line. Opposition to the extension of slavery will not permit northern men to do it, and thus there is no chance for any line.

comes subject to another law, if there is one, and is without law, if there is not. This is the case with all; with the northern man with his

corporation and franchises, with the southern

man and his slaves. This is the law of the

land, and let any one try it that disputes it."

Mr. Benton afterwards cites the difference of the Mexican government abolishing slavery throughout that republic, and goes on to say-"Thus there is no slavery now in Mexico territory belonging to the United States; and, and California, and consequently none in any therefore, nothing practical or real in the whole slavery question for the people of the United States to quarrel about. There is no slavery now by law in any territory, and it cannot get there by law, except by act of Congress; and no such act will be passed, or even asked for. The dogma of no power in Congress to legislate upon slavery in territories, kills that pretension. No legal establishment of slavery in California and New Mexico is then to be looked for. That is certain. Equally certain, it will never be established in either of them in point inhabitants, are unanimous against it." of fact. The people of both territories, the old

NAVIGATION LAWS.

We had prepared an abstract of the bill which has lately passed both houses of Parliament in Great Britain, changing the whole system of its navigation laws, but it has been crowded out of the present number, and we shall therefore give it in our next.

The same has occurred with regard to information lately received from Europe, as to the state of the war in Schleswig Holstein, the affairs of the German empire, Spain, Holland, &c.

CRITICAL NOTICES.

A Book of the Hudson.—Collected from the various works of Diedrich Knickerbocker. Edited by GEOFFREY CRAYON. New York: G. P. Putnam, 155 Broadway. 1849.

son.

This is an agreeable and instructive handbook to all intelligent and inquiring travellers about to explore the wonders and beauties of the HudMr. Irving writes, "I thank God that I was born on the banks of the Hudson. I fancy I can trace much of what is good and pleasant in my own heterogeneous compound to my early companionship with this glorious river. In the warmth of youthful enthusiasm, I used to clothe it with moral attributes, and, as it were, give it a soul. I delighted in its frank, bold, honest character; its noble sincerity, and perfect truth. Here was no specious smiling surface, covering the shifting sand-bar and perfidious rock, but a stream deep as it was broad, and bearing with honorable faith the bark that trusted to its waves. I gloried in its simple, quiet, majestic, epic flow, ever straightforward, or, if forced aside for once by opposing mountains, struggling bravely through them, and resuming its onward march. Behold, thought I, an emblem of a good man's course through life, ever simple, open, and direct, or if, overpowered by adverse circumstances, he deviate into error, it is but momentary; he soon resumes his onward and honorable career, and continues it to the end of his pilgrimage." This volume contains Communipaw, Guests from Gibbet Island, Peter Stuyvesant's Voyage up the Hudson, the Chronicle of Bearn Island, the Legend of Sleepy Hollow, Dolph Heyliger. Rip VanWinkle, Wolfert Webber.

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base of the pyramid of society, where the masses are densest, widest, and most oppressed; mingled with every class; endured every wrong; mitigated every form of suffering; sympathized with the most abused; denounced political and spiritual tyranny in the strongest terms; and, finally, fell a victim, mangled by that malignant pride and power which in the persons of high-priests, crafty scribes, and official Pharisees ever stand ready to inflame the popular mind with cruel prejudice, leading the multitudes to spare a robber and murder their greatest benefactor, so that oppression may yet flourish and their own ungodly immunities remain secure. The author believes that Jesus Christ, eighteen centuries ago, gave our race a perfect model of republicanism; and that this was not only exemplified in his life, and confirmed by his death as the highest gift to all men, but that it was strikingly imbodied in the original formation of the Christian Church. With prayerful solititude, and he thinks true conservatism, he has written under the influence of no sectarian feeling or sectional prejudice, expressing as plainly as possible what he sincerely believes, and fawning for no favors. Herein are thoughts and emotions which have haunted the author for years; and they are now sent forth to stir in other bosoms, and thence to produce, according tot he soil of their growth, a blessing

or a curse.

Outlines on a New Theory of Disease, applied to Hydropathy, showing that Water is the only true Remedy. With observations on the errors committed in the practice of Hydropathy; notes on the cure of Cholera by cold water; and a critique on Preissnitz's mode of treatment. Intended for popular use. By the late H. FRANCKE, Director of the Hydropathic Institution at Alexandersbad, Bavaria. Translated from the German by ROBERT BAIKIE, M. D., late of the Madras Medical Establishment. New York: John Wiley, 161 Broadway.

It is astonishing that among persons of even ordinary understanding there should be so much prejudice in favor of the old system of practice in medicine-the eternal dosing with poisonous drugs. Any unprejudiced person, reading these volumes carefully, will glean much information from them; and if the advice given in them is followed, the reader will be saved from much sickness and the expense of doctors' bills.

Kaloolah, or Journeyings to the Djebel Kumri; | an Autobiography of Jonathan Romer. Edited by W. S. MAYO, M. D. New York: George P. Putnam, 155 Broadway; London: David Bogue, 86 Fleet street.

This book is full of spirit, life and excitement, and its interest never for a moment flags. The author is at home on the ocean, in the wilderness, on the vast desert. Kaloolah is an exquisite patriot, and the account of her growing love for Romer is delightfully and truly told. Every one will read it, but we cannot refrain from giving one specimen of our author's happy style. While Romer is at school a "revival of religion" takes place in the village, and the temporary madness extends itself to the teachers in the seminary; the school-room is deserted. Romer says, "At this time most of my hours were spent in the woods, either fishing, reading, or perchance dreaming. Often stretched at length upon the sunny bank of the most beautiful trout-stream in the world, or seated upon some prostrate giant of the forest, I have turned with shuddering and loathing from the sight and sounds of the distant village, and have felt borne to my innermost soul the conviction that cant and rant are utterly inconsistent with the true worship of God. How soft, and low, and calm, yet deep and full of meaning and power, are the hymns sung to His praise in the great temple of Nature. How varied too! How infinitely expressive! Listen to the hot sunbeams striking upon the thick pendent foliage, to the soft sighing of the million leaves, as, disturbed by the fitful breeze, they twist and wriggle themselves back to stillness and rest. Listen to the low hum of the lazy insects; to the hesitating twitter of the sleepy birds, or to the occasional sullen, sluggish plash of some trout, who has been lured from his siesta by the temptation of a careless fly. The blended whole makes music-low, melancholy musicthe most saddening music-it speaks of life, health, vigor; but of life, health, vigor, doomed to decay. It is prophetic in its tones; the deepest well-springs of the soul are stirred, gently, sadly, but not unpleasantly, as the foreboding notes rise, and swell, and fall. Anon the tempest comes, the majestic clouds speak to each other and to earth in the deep voices of the pealing thunder; the sturdy woods reecho, and prolong the crashing sounds; the wind sweeps through the foliage with a hollow rushing, as if a myriad viewless spirits were flapping their pinions and careering before it -the big drops fall with leaden sound upon the leaves. Does not the whole make the wildest, sublimest harmony? There is nothing dismal or gloomy in it; it is sternly joyous; it speaks of power, of might; but it speaks too in solemn and majestic tones-no ranting or canting-of a power above, and beyond mere

drooping and decaying Nature. Stand forth, and enjoy it! Quail not! Bare your brow to the storm-look with a steady eye upon the lightning's flash-listen to the awful chorus, and feel alike the infinity of God and the greatness of the soul. The storm has passed-the moistened foliage rustles in the breeze, but with a different tone--a tone of pure gladness; the insects beat the air with their tiny wings to a more joyful measure; the birds sing freely, blithely; the trout springs actively from the placid lake, and dashes the sparkling circles with a sound of merriment and glee. The harmony is of Nature revived, restored. It speaks of hope and confidence-it presages immortality. But how easy, natural and quiet! Ah, in all that infinite variety of praise, and prayer, and thanksgiving, you can discover nothing like rant or cant!"

He

Leonard Scott & Co., 79 Fulton street, New York, have reprinted the London Quarterly, the Edinburgh and Westminster Reviews, and Blackwood's Magazine. They contain much interesting and instructive reading, and are published at exceedingly low rates. The London Quarterly has some excellent remarks on Macaulay's History of England, written in a fair tone and spirit. The reviewer thinks, "There is hardly a page that does not contain something objectionable either in substance or in color; and the whole of the brilliant and at first captivating narrative is perceived on examination to be impregnated to a really marvellous degree with bad taste, bad feeling, and, we are under the painful necessity of adding, bad faith. . . . It makes the facts of English history as fabulous as his Lays do those of Roman tradition; and it is written with as captious, as dogmatical, and as cynical a spirit as the bitterest of his reviews. . . does not take the slightest notice of Mackintosh's history, no more than if it had never existed. . . Mr. Macaulay deals with history, evidently, as we think, in imitation of the novelists-his first object being always picturesque effect-his constant endeavor to give from all the repositories of gossip that have reached us a kind of circumstantial reality to his incidents, and a sort of dramatic life to his personages. . . . He paints every thing that looks like a Tory in the blackest colors. Mr. Macaulay has almost realized the work that Alexander Chalmers' playful imagination had fancied, a Biographia Flagitiosa, or, The Lives of Eminent Scoundrels. We protest against this species of carnival history; no more like the reality than the Eglintoun Tournament or the Costume Quadrilles of Buckingham Palace; and we deplore the squandering of so much melo-dramatic talent on a subject which we have

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