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this equal recognition of State rights and private rights, that we owe the security of property-the peace and prosperous industry of the nation. Reforms go on quietly and effectively-they are not forced upon us, but grow out of our necessities and our advances in knowledge and refinement. Each measure of reform is proposed and carried out by its proper agents. There is no meddling or trespassing.

And now look at the other side. What is a radical democrat? His creed is summed up in a sentence; he is the enemy of everything that is firm, established, and just. If the question is of property, instead of giving each man his own, he divides and distributes in equal shares; never stopping to inquire whether the power has been granted him by God or the laws to make such a division. Assuming that the individual has no rights, but that everything belongs to the multitude, he aims perpetually to defeat the ends of nature, which has given different tastes and capacities to men; the god he worships is a god of numbers and combinations; a god from whose image the republican idea of freedom and individual grandeur of character is wholly excluded. The attrition of common life, the intercourse of society, and the struggles for subsistence, instead of sharpening and elevating his moral sense, induce only a deadness of heart, and a jealousy of the happiness of others, which ripens into theories of reform, which maligns the wealthy, which checks enterprise, which subdues the fine free pride of the republican, "whose house is his castle," and substitutes for that manly spirit a sickly desire for the support of numbers; as weak saplings stand together in a crowd, and agree among themselves to thrust out no side branches, but each to take up only just such a space of ground and so much of the light of heaven as may please their neighbors. But

whence would come the knee timber and vast frame-work of our noble State, if all her citizens stand thus weakly and equally together, no one with force or root enough to stand alone? Weak, servile, and jealous, they run in crowds, and obey the finger of a leader. In office they are slaves and idlers; out of office they run to it with halters about their necks. It is human nature that gives the tone and spirit

of a party. The friends and followers of Gen. Jackson attacked everything, every man, that stood out against his will. He drew to himself the dregs of Federalism, the successor of Toryism. He, by his personal autocraty, organized a party which, with a short intermission, has held the public offices of the country for an age. It is the characteristic of that party, that their organization is invariably founded upon some destructive or negative principle.

First, it was the destruction of the bank; then it was the destruction of all banks; then the destruction of the protective system-the old system which gave prosperity and wealth to England and America; then it was a negative upon all efforts for the increase of internal commerce; then a general dilapidation and destruction of all the old State constitutions; it is a cancelling of State debts; a destruction of some neighboring constitution; a destruction of social differences; a pulling down, a leveling-a reduction-always, always. But what will it be when it comes to touch your peculiar institutions? That is worth a moment's reflection. To reduce the Union to one vast weltering democratic chaos-that is their aim. To rule this chaos to their personal ends, that is the aim of their leaders.

Now-need I again urge it ?-contrast within your silent thoughts, the severe, manly, liberal, law-loving, conservative spirit of your own Southern Whig statesmen, and of their noble allies and bosom friends in the North-so full as they are of courage, tempered by forbearance; so broad, simple, and constitutional in their views; so temperate in language, so urbane and discreet in conduct, so careful to keep the juste milieu, the golden mean of rectitude-contrast them, and then judge which of the two will handle most tenderly, and with the purest constitutional tact, any questions of interference. Consider which of these parties-namely, the conservative constitutional Whig, or the hot, wild, reckless body that is organizing out of loco-foco and abolition elements in the North and West.

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you have any doubt in your minds which of the two parties it is which is most actively bent on interference with your private affairs, look at the recent co

alitions of the Loco-foco and Free-soil factions in various parts of New England. It must not be denied or concealed from you, it must rather be urged upon your most serious consideration, that the opposition to the extension of slavery over new territories, to engaging in war for the acquisition of territory, and I may add, to the continuance of slavery in the District of Columbia-were it once certain that the power lies in Congress to abolish it-are neither a Whig nor a democratic, but simply a Northern and Western opposition. In the minds of genuine conservative Whigs, this opposition extends only as far as the Constitution will permit it; but with the party now composed by the union of Abolitionists, who have appropriated the name of "Free-soilers," and Loco-focos, this opposition is but the first step toward an aim which shall be nameless, but which you will easily surmise. Mr. Calhoun will express for you what I leave unexpressed. He opposed the war of invasion against Mexico; he opposed the acquisition of territory; but, once acquired, he wished it to be slave territory. No, said the Whigs; we opposed the war because we thought it unjust in the first instance-a violation of the laws of nations; and in the second, we opposed it because it would give rise to contests about territory between the North and South. But since, in spite of all our efforts, the territory has been acquired, and by such means as bear a pretext of decency, let us make the best we can of it. Southern Loco-focoism has forced this new territory upon the country for the pose of making it slave territory. Now, is not the course of the Whigs plain? Every Whig who opposed the war in order to prevent the extension of slavery, must continue to oppose that extension. Our course is simple we have but one line to choose, and that is the line of duty and consistency. Northern Whigs will, then, oppose the extension of the line of slave territory westward. Northern Loco-focoism will do

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In Iowa, in Connecticut, in Vermont, in all parts of New England, we hear of attempted, and sometimes of successful coalitions between "Free-soil," or Abolition, and Loco-focos. It is the movement, the phenomenon of the day. To any person equally familiar with the spirit of Loco-focoism and Abolitionism, there is

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nothing surprising or unexpected in this coalition-or rather, this fusion of the two halves of the grand destructive party; one half engaged in attempts to destroy the institutions of their neighbors, with they care not what consequences; the other half equally busy in undermining the props and barriers of civilized and constitutional society in the several States. Such a fusion is just and natural, and might have happened long ago, but for certain circumstances. Those circumstances ceased with the election of a Whig President, and the ejection from office of the office-holding influence of the old party. They had long ago lost their principles; the nation had no need of them; they had lost their offices. They are in want both of a new political creed and a new basis of organization. The Abolitionists stood ready to furnish them with both. While in office they truckled to the South, and reaped contempt; out of office, and no longer expecting anything from a Southern administration, the contempt they have suffered has turned into gall and acrimony. They will, hereafter, be the most desperate and bitter enemies of the South; and once organized, and victorious, will crush the South if possible.

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You are, perhaps, a Southern representative whom I am now addressing. you not know, will you not admit, that a Northern Loco-foco of the Van Buren stamp, is but a turncoat for the occasion; that he hates the South, because it despises him, and that the best Abolitionists are to be made out of that metal? Consider it.

Addressing you as a Northern conservative, I do not assume either on speculative or political grounds to be the defender of your institutions; the State of which I am a citizen, and the neighboring States, have long since abolished every form of servitude, and the face and the name of a slave is unknown upon their soil. Their desire is, to have imparted to their soil a peculiar sacredness; that like the soil of England, it shall impart freedom by merely touching the feet of a slave. Already, if a slave is brought by his master into a Northern State, he becomes free, by virtue of the law which forbids the existence of slavery in a free State. The North has acted pro virili parte in this matter. As

It is their profound conviction that any combination of Northern powers for the purpose of forcing the emancipation of the black population of the South, would be destructive to the spirit of liberty; would be a trampling upon reserved rights; would be, in fact, as clear an usurpation of power as the interference of Great Britain would be, were she at this moment to attempt the violent suppression of the French Republic, and the re-establishment of the house of Orleans.

soon as public opinion was found strong | sory reform of their domestic institutions. enough in each State, measures of emancipation were proposed and easily carried. The body of opposition, if any existed, was too feeble to produce any impression, or excite any alarm. Had there been a vast body of slaveholders in the northern States; had there been a wealthy and powerful interest, depending upon slave labor; had there been a violent attempt by a neighboring republic to force measures of emancipation upon New England, it is highly probable that slavery would have continued there to this day. With Such, rest assured, is the deliberate such considerations to check their enthusi- opinion of the conservative Whigs of the asm, the moderate friends of liberty in the North; notwithstanding their religious and North, (and they are the great majority,) almost innate abhorrence of slavery, and are prepared to make the largest allow their belief that the substitution of free ance in your favor, and to believe that, labor is the only possible means of develnotwithstanding the desire that is express-oping the economical resources of the ed by nearly every Southern man who comes to the North, or who is acquainted with free institutions, to effect a salutary change in the political condition of his State, the obstacles to such a change are at present insurmountable. That it is only in States where better modes of industry have been introduced, and where the number of the white population is vastly superior to that of slaves, that an immediate and complete emancipation could be attempted without ruin to both slaves and masters. Moderate men in the North are willing to believe in the soundness of these objections assigned, as I have said, by the majority of Southern men who come to the Northto any plan for immediate emancipation. It is not my desire or intention to weigh these objections. I wish only to place before you a clear impression of Northern feelings upon the subject of slavery.

Nor do the liberal North ever forget that it was by the free exercise of their own State rights, of their State sovereignties, that they abolished slavery. Had the South attempted to force any measures of emancipation upon them, it is a matter of absolute certainty that they would have resisted the least interference. They know that the Constitution guaranties to each State a republican form of govern

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South, and raising her in wealth and power to an equality with the West and North.

You will perceive that in thus religiously abstaining from any interference with your institutions, the Northern Whigs are but exemplifying the Scripture rule of doing as they would be done by. They observe with a quiet scorn the efforts of fanatics to involve them in the guilt of interference; the attempts of conceited enthusiasts and sentimentalists to subvert the policy of Washington, and engage America in the wars of Europe, harmonizes with the intentions of the Abolitionists and the new party which they are forming, by a coalition with the old Loco-foco faction. That party, as you well know, sprang out of an union of the remains of the Federal party, with the friends of General Jackson. They are the party who love an arbitrary executive; who attacked the prerogative of the Senate, in the days of Jackson. They are a warloving party. They delight in sudden and far-reaching exertions of power. They are revolutionary, and delight in such reforms only as ensue upon violent and complete overturnings, with the sudden and arbitrary substitution of a completely new system of things. Out of power, as at present, they deal in the most violent and sweeping denunciations; in the South against Northern agitators, in the North against Southern agitators. In the South, they propose to hang Garrison and his

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gang; in the North, they propose to Mr. C-n and his -n. The Northern side are the more amiable, because it is a fashion to be Christian and all that, in the North. Depend upon it, if Loco-focoism in the guise of Abolitionism ever gets your unfortunate institutions by the throat, you will rue the day, and curse the man, that persuaded you to vote the Loco-foco ticket. Of the unscrupulous character of the so-called third party, but which is now the organizing opposition body in the North and West, you may judge by the perfect carelessness with which that body have thrown to the dogs all other considerations but this one of opposition to yourselves. They give up the entire interests of the North, tariff, internal improvements, their favorite banking system; in short, the entire body of Northern principles their leaders have given up, and now hold out the hand of fellowship to their old enemies. They have made it a test of a sound opposition man, that he shall regard all other questions as secondary, and lying in abeyance until this one is settled.

Do not be deceived into supposing that Northern and Western Whigs, out of hatred to abolitionism, will give up their settled convictions against the extension of the slave territory westward. Were it even doubtful in their minds, whether slavery ought to be treated as an evil in the general, they would still oppose its extension; and what is more, they would endeavor to denationalize it.

Ponder for an instant the following argument:

1. Abolitionists deny that slavery is a national institution.

2. Conservative Whigs are unable to contradict them.

3. Abolitionists demand, therefore, that the District of Columbia be no longer suffered to be a slave market.

Again, the conservative Whigs reply: 1. If you will show us that the government has power, under the Constitution, to do this, we will vote for it, and the majority shall decide.

2. To this Abolitionism has no answer to make, for it has already denounced the Constitution.

3. Whereas, if it had believed that the Constitution would sustain it, it would not have denounced that instrument.

Again:

1. Whig conservatism, wishing only to denationalize slavery, says to the Southgive up the District of Columbia, which will be a trifling loss to you, and you will have put Abolitionism hors de combat; for then it will have to attack the Constitution openly, and show its true face, which is that of a radical and a revolutionist.

2. The South replies, No, I will make slavery a national institution, and I will, moreover, withdraw from the Union if you say any more about it.

3. This, whispers Abolitionism, (aside,) is just the thing we wish you to do; for, if you draw off from the Union, your slaves will be free the instant they set foot upon Northern soil. And we will take care so to order it that they shall not stay quietly with you. You will have a pretty long boundary line to guard, methinks!

Great nations have gone to ruin, populous countries have been converted into deserts, and civilization retarded by causes far less important than those which we are now considering. There is need for moderation, and above all for a firm and steady adherence to the policy of our founders-a policy of compromise and concession. Enter if you will upon a calculation of comparative strengths, measure the military prowess of the chivalrous and testy little State of Carolina against the entire military force of the Union; these are gallant and brave comparisons; to die in a good cause is the worthy hope of a freeman; but, after you have made up your mind to die, then take a few moments longer to think, whether, after all, it is not possible that even the solemn act of suicide or martyrdom may not have ridicule attached to it. Children have drowned themselves, it is said, because the cruel father denied them an apple.

Put the case, that, in the natural order of events, the prevailing prejudices of the North shall gradually bring about an ef fectual coalition of the Abolitionists and the opposition; that four years hence the "third party" shall have disappeared, and that only two parties are found at the polls, the conservatives and the destructives the conservative Whig and the destructive radical; the thing is quite possible; put the case, I say, it comes to pass. Suppose the installment of a Cass,

a Benton, or a Van Buren, in the executive chair, pledged to carry Northern measures, secretly pledged to sustain the policy of the vast majority of those who put him there; suppose it has happened that you, in your ignorance of Northern movements, have been cheated by the old name of democrat, so far as to have become the means, the direct means of electing some such person, and that in the course of a year or so you begin to discover that the party in the North for whose candidate voted, have you been quietly organizing an attack upon you. They begin by abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia, for by that time we may suppose the new territories will have settled the question for themselves. They next begin a system of log-rolling-concessions and intimidations-for the weaker representatives, to drive them into an amendment of the Constitution, modifying the clause by which runaway slaves are now secured to their masters. They next commence a system of operations in the Southern States, bringing the power of the Executive to bear upon private opinion and private interests in those States. Suppose that by this system you are driven along with a ruinous rapidity upon the path of emancipation ; that your fields, like those of the West Indies, are left without cultivators; that your laborers refuse to work; that you try to force them, and excite rebellions; that these rebellions are fomented by Northern destructives, of the class who now busy themselves in gallanting negro ladies, and nailing up black gentlemen in boxes, to be brought like wild animals to the North for public exhibition at abolition fairs and soirees; would you not curse the day that saw you vote the "Democratic" ticket ?would you not say to your neighbor, "We have been grossly deceived; we did not know of the secret coalition."

P. S. That you may believe what I have said in regard to the union of the old Locofoco and " Free-soil," i. e. Abolition, parties, I quote from the newspapers.

A grand "Free-soil," mass meeting has come off at Cleveland, Ohio. Mr. John Van Buren addressed the meeting. This gentleman is, as is well known, the spokesman of the New York movement that was headed by his venerable father,

"Mr. Van Buren concluded his speech with an elegant peroration on the value of the Union and the glories of the Republic."

Eli Tappan, Esq. (ominous name!) reported resolutions.

"Resolved, That the Free Democracy, in its efforts to restore the original policy of the Government on the subject of Slavery, are only carrying out the true Democratic principles to their legitimate application, and we therefore hail with the greatest satisfaction the efforts now making, and, we rejoice to add, successfully made in Vermont and some other States, to bring up the old Democracy to the Platform of Freedom, and dissolve the bonds of its unnatural alliance with the Slave power.

"Resolved, That we witness with great satisfaction the triumphant appeal which Thomas H. Benton is making to the people of Missouri, sustaining fully one of the great principles of the Democracy, to wit: the constitutional power of Congress to legislate for Freedom, even to the exclusion of Slavery."

The above is one of the resolutions

mark its import. The "free democracy," i. e. the old, discomfited, Loco-foco party, have incorporated the Proviso principle into their Platform.

"Resolved, That to protect this great interest, and to insure, in other respects, a sound administration of public affairs, it is indispensable that there should be a union of all those who love their country more than mere party, upon the great principles of Human Rights promulgated in the Declaration of Independ ence, and set forth in the inaugural address of its author."

Here we have opposition to slavery in the abstract made the corner-stone of the grand party platform of the free democracy. Note that, gentlemen, and then, if you love Garrison, Van Buren and Co., vote the "democratic ticket."

"Resolved, That in the spirit of the compact solemnly established by the ordinance of 1787, between the original States and the people of the Northwestern Territory, we recognize the duty of Congress to resist the toleration of Slave territories and the admission of Slave States, and to suffer no change in the complexion of the United States Senate except in favor of Freedom, and no addition to the Slave representation in the House of Representatives, whatever may be the pretext of congressional compromise, stipulation or precedent,"

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