nesses, partnerships, i. e. the aggregate | a State representative; but a senator of the interests of the entire nation, taken by villages, towns, and cities, being thus represented in the House. The Senate, on the other hand, seems to represent organized and established forms of power, and not merely bodies of contending interests. In the House of Lords we see represented the church, the judiciary establishment, and the great families; promotions to lordships being chiefly for the maintenance of the ancient orders. The legal lords, the clerical lords, and the social lords make up the body of that House. They represent the great powers, established in perpetuity by tradition and usage over the heads of the people. Formerly, we find the separate governments, the dukedoms, earldoms, marches, and counties represented there. In the Senate, as in the House of Lords, powers established in perpetuity, namely, State sovereignties, are represented; and we see, too, that the Senate is the conservative body, and preserves the ancient liberties of States, as the House of Lords does the ancient feudalities, from popular and executive desecration. The State sovereignties stand in our government in place of lords of families, lords of church, and law lords. An election of Senators by popular choice would break down the whole system, and for a government of State sovereignties give us a mere tug of parties. The Senate would connive with the House; senators and representatives elected on the same ticket, and answerable to the same constituents, would act as one body, and the Senate itself prove only a useless incumbrance. The ground of aristocracy is privilege, the greatest privilege is the power of legislating for one's self and for one's family; there is, therefore, not the least tincture of aristocracy in the Senate of the Union; for there is no privilege. The Senate of the Union, though superior in dignity, yet recedes as far as possible from aristocracy in being the defender of State liberties against both representative and executive encroachments. It is the duty of the senator to consider the interests of the government which he represents. The senator of a State legislature is elevated only in his grade and respectability, above Union represents not so much a people, as a system of government, an organization; his function is strictly conservative; he is bound to defend at every point the sovereignty which he represents. The interests of the State from which he comes are to be defended by him against the encroaching interests of other States. To the Senate, perhaps, we owe the existence of the State sovereignties, perhaps the existence of the Union. In every State there is a governing body, a class of able and efficient men, who draw to themselves by merit, by property, by ability, and the arts of popularity, all the offices of government. These men, from motives either of interest, of ambition or of patriotism, make state affairs their proper care. They are the guides, the advisers, and defenders for the time of the people, while the people respect them. They ascertain the desires of the people, ascertain or imagine for them, their wants and wrongs, and originate for them all laws and measures of redress. They originated popular constitutions, and they advise or flatter, or persuade the people, that they are good and suitable. These constitutions establish certain offices and functions to be filled by men who make politics and offices their business. These constitutions appoint also certain citizens to a certain inferior function (from which such persons only are excluded by law, as are deemed unfit,) namely, the function of voting or electing certain persons to fill the higher offices, or in other words, to exercise more responsible functions, than those of a voter or elector. The system of the higher offices of a State, being a body of functionaries appointed for the welfare of a particular portion or division of the whole people, and having the entire control over the internal and domestic economy of that portion or State, constitutes a perpetual corporation, with a peculiar interest, a peculiar prejudice, and a peculiar pride. This power, or system of powers in each State, represents interests often adverse, and even hostile to those of other States; it is, therefore, absolutely necessary, that in the general system of the government these State interests and rights should receive a full and powerful representation, lest in course of time they should an individual my occupy successively and without disgrace, all stations in society, still the occupations themselves remain as they were founded by nature. They have each their peculiar genius and necessities, and it rarely, if ever happens, that the same person excels, or is successful in all. The first and most remarkable occupation is that of instructors and schoolmasters, of every rank and degree, from the good dame who teaches children the A, B, C, to the great savan who developes the mysteries of life, and the harmony of the heavenly spheres. The importance of this order of persons to the State need not be dwelt upon. They are not the least influential body in the present condition of society. They include also, philosophers and metaphysicians. be neglected and forgotten; and, exaspe- | Old World, by as many political castes or rated by contempt, should draw off the orders. Although the division of a peomasses from their allegiance to the govern-ple by castes, is no longer tolerated, and ment of the whole. It need not, therefore excite our surprise, if we hear senators defending with vehemence the institutions of the States of whose politics and customs they are the representatives. While these polities and customs exist in a State, the senator is bound by every law of honor and of duty to defend them against aggression. And, however much he may lament their existence, he must not allow them to be interfered with, by strangers, or even vilified without defense. Noris the senator less bound by virtue of his office to prevent inequitable appropriations of the public means. Should it appear to him, that an unjust preference had been given to the citizens, or to the government of one State over another, or to one section of country over another, it is his peculiar duty to prevent such unjust appropriations, in as much as he represents a body to whose care the dignity and property of his State had been entrusted. But, while the senator must be continually on the watch for the interests and the dignity of his State, there is no reason why he should apply to every measure which he thinks unjust, the test of unconstitutionality. Many measures may be be unjust, and yet constitutional. It may be unjust to forbid the introduction of slavery into a new territory, and it may be at the same time constitutional. The improvement of the Mississippi river may be a great hardship to the Eastern States, but the Eastern States will never oppose such improvements, on the ground that they are unconstitutional. Southern senators may oppose the appropriation of money for the protection of maritime commerce, by ships of war, and naval expeditions; they may even oppose the opening of national harbors for a commerce and revenue upon the Northern lakes, but they are not obliged to account for this opposition by a constructive unconstitutionality set up against these measures. III. Political Economy. The occupations of a civilized people, divide very naturally into several kinds, represented in the primeval States of the The next who attract our attention are those who cultivate and appeal to the imagination and the feelings, including all that are employed in the offices of worship and religious instruction. These include also, professed poets, and inventors of fiction, and all whose occupation is to affect the moral nature through the imaginative faculty. The highest enthusiasm of religion indulges in the poetical form, and the teachings of religion are oftener conveyed by figures, symbols, and parables, than by direct proof; so that it becomes necessary to place the occupation of priest, clergyman, and man of letters, under one head; and in the greatest examples they are united in one; the literature of some nations, that of the Hebrews for instance, is exclusively religious. Artists are also of this order; and in the political system of Egypt, we find the priests, artists, poets, and architects, included in one caste, called the Sacred Order. Next in order we notice the artisans, mechanics, and men of business, (who are also the most numerous, in the present system of society,) including all who practice any art or handicraft for the physical comforts of man. This order includes manufacturers, seamen, agriculturists, gardeners, inventors, bankers, tradesmen, merchants, negotiators, agents, and those who are devoted wholly to the care or ownership of any species of property, or to construction in the arts of peace; under this | pation is accidental, and he may leave it life. So, also, the complete savan, such for example as we have in modern times in the person of a Humboldt, or a Cuvier, is of the first repute; not excelled in his occupation-which is that recommended by Lord Bacon as the best a wise man can engage in-by any, however eminent, of the other orders. The contempt that falls upon such teachers as remain in the vulgar routine of schooling and flogging, is itself a proof of the superior importance of the teacher's office; the mass of men regard it with a mysterious respect, and despise the tutor by comparison with his business. division it is also necessary to include statesmen and those who manage affairs of public economy. Statesmen, as affairs now are, seem to be merely the great business men of the country, who assist or who impair manufactures, agriculture, and commerce. The fourth class of occupations is that of military and police, and all that is concerned in the private and public defense, whether of life or property. The courts of law, with all that belongs to them, fall under this head, as well as the army, navy, and all those dangerous services, which require the arts of defense, offense and inquisition. At the head of those stand the greater offices of the land and of the military state. Last in order we have domestic offices of every kind, from the service of the kitchen, to the offices of the public health, or command of a royal household. Those whose example governs the manners, customs, and fashions, of society, and who exercise a merely social influence, stand first in this rank. Although, in the general idea of human nature, every human being is regarded as containing all the knowledge and capacity for the exercise of every occupation of every order, yet, in practice it happens that individuals are engaged permanently or for the time, in but one occupation, as of science, worship, business, police, or social duty. The castes always exist; though their members are continually changing. Though it might be justly regarded as an injurious and impossible attempt to class men by their occupations, every man being capable in his nature, unless his mind be abortive or deformed, of exercising all the occupations, yet, it can do no harm to regard these occupations themselves as fixed, and as having each a certain character and value when compared with others. The most intense admirer of equality prefers the occupation of a sage, in whom the philosopher and the poet are combined, or that of a hero who unites the warrior with the patriot in himself; or that of the statesman who sees his own in his country's prosperity; to that of a sutler or fisherman. The man indeed is neither statesman, sutler, or fisherman; his occu to-morrow; all that we ask of the man, is that he shall not engage in a business for which he is incompetent, or remain in any occupation too great or too heavy for his abilities. The opinion of castes and ranks, by which a person is confounded with his occupation; and by that treatment degraded into a machine, to the total sacrifice of his liberty, is not to be tolerated, even in idea; and it is certainly better that men should exercise several trades, as is commonly done in New England, than lose their liberty by an hereditary devotion to one. It is necessary to the free and manly character, that it should have tasted several kinds of life; enough at least to know their pains and their pleasures, their advantages and disadvantages; and if we meet with a man who has experience in agricultural, mechanical, and commercial affairs, we are apt to value him above one who knows only one of these. It is this versatility of intellect that distinguishes a free from a stupid and slavish people; and in this Americans take the greatest pride. After enumerating all the occupations, and observing in what forms human industry is obliged to develope itself, and after admitting that a complete and perfect man, or family of men, would be masters of all occupations and conditions, at least in their principles, our natural pride leads us a step further, and we say, that NATIONS also, should be complete and perfect, and should take care to have all the occupations well and ably exercised by their own citizens. A nation should scorn to become a mere herd of shepherds, or tribe of artisans; it should not narrow its ability to the exercise of any one art, trade or business, but should fill out the circle of industry and make itself the complete and perfect representative of humanity. Its ambition should be broad and liberal. It should desire that all its energies attain a full development. In all civilized nations, the occupation of a learned man, or teacher, has been held superior in importance and reputation to all others. For, of this order of occupations, the lowest grade is more reputable than the lowest of any other, as the dame schoolmistress is a person of more trust than the ordinary domestic, or than any other in the inferior occupations of We run little risk of contradiction in saying, that this caste of occupations are by far the most important and valuable that can employ a reasonable being; and that a citizen who feels a proper pride and enthusiasm for his nation, will protect and favor, in every way, the office of the teacher and the man of science. The most important office, in the kingdoms and republics of the Old World is that of minister of public instruction, and the most perfect instrument of good government and progress is the system of schools. Our State governments are incomplete, while they remain without a beaureau of education; the commission to be chosen out of the best men of the State, and commanded by the people to observe such care in erecting a system of education for their children, as if the fate of the Republic depended chiefly upon their wisdom and integrity. with all the rights and powers of freedom and wisdom. Self-preservation is its first law, and to sustain and protect itself a first necessity. The whole system of a free government is founded on the necessity of protection and self sustentation. It is therefore the obvious duty of the people, not only to favor the education of youth, but to protect them from corrupting influences; for if it is necessary that they be well educated, and converted into good citizens, it is also necessary to protect them against evil education, and against such influences as will make them bad or discontented citizens. The purpose of education being to render the mind of the nation, if we may so speak, free and complete within itself, producing all knowledge and inventions within itself, and relying upon itself for direction and guideance in the study of nature, and of the works of human and inspired intelligence. A people to whom the occupations of the scholar and of the savan are a mystery and a wonder, or which does not produce within itself both scholars and men of science, will as tenderly be led by the nose as asses are. Such a half-educated people endued with a natural, unfed desire of knowledge, may be so inveigled and robbed of their common sense, by ingenious foreigners, that they will surrender up their very purses and business to foreigners, under the persuasion of a mere theory. The people being in the strictest sense, a moral person-seeing that from them emanates the constitution of the Statewhich is a formal expression of universal justice, as they understand it, and which is one in essence with the law of nations and the law of conscience, have rightfully invested their government with a two-fold power, namely that of protection, and that of beneficent aid and creation. They provide in their laws, not only for conservation of the existing order of things, against which it is treasonable to conspire, but for the good of future generations, by the establishment of schools and the construction of harbors, roads, and public works. Setting aside all controversy about the powers of the general government, in regard to works of internal improvement, neither the right or duty of the State governments to provide such works, or that The creative, conservative, and beneficent energy of a popular State, discovers itself in nothing more than in the education of youth. By schools the youth of the country are bound together and nationalized. As a part of our polity for the fusing together and organizing of the incongenial elements of our society, schools are evidently the most effectual. But creation is not the sole function of a beneficent power; protection and conservation to all interests, to life and liberty, to health, and to free opinion, to industry and genius, is equally a fundamental duty of government; more especially in a government like ours, conducted under the eye and influence of the people themselves, and subject to their approval or condemnation. "A political society is a moral person," ❘ of cities, towns and villages, to erect build ings, and make roads for public purposes, has ever been contested. Government is really invested with a prospective and creative as well as a protective and conservative power. Could it be shown, for example, that in time of war certain persons maintained an encouraging correspondence with the enemy, or that in time of peace certain persons were engaged in exciting revolt, the protective and conservative power may be employed to stop them. Or could it be shown that the inhabitants of a State were about to establish a hierarchy, and abolish the republican forms, the conservative power of the higher government may forbid them. In all its functions the State represents the moral person, excluding all that is individual or partial, when it looks toward the citizen, and admitting all that is individual and partial when it looks towards other nations. solutely free. Looking inward upon itself the nation observes a cold and rigid impartiality toward those of its citizens who engage in occupations of this caste. But of other nations it indulges a patriotic jealousy. It desires that its religious teachers, its artists, authors, and editors, should be its own citizens; that public opinion should be created at home; that its public buildings, its paintings and statues, its literature should be of native growth, an offspring of native sense and genius. This is its beneficent desire; and as far as government may justly extend its protection, that desire will extend it. The occupations of taste and opinion, resting necessarily on prejudice, will be assiduously guarded and protected by any State not sunk in ignorance or selfishness. Passing by for the moment the consideration of that protective and beneficent influence which the State is required to use over the occupations of industry, in the field, the workshop, the office, and the store; an influence so important that governments receive one half their power and character from the mode in which it is The first exercise of the beneficent powers of government, which we considered, was in the establishment of schools, for the sake of preserving and continuing the Republic, by the effects of education. The second looks toward religious mat-exerted; let us look at its operation in af ters, and toward literature and the arts. In these two particulars, namely, in maintaining the right of opinion, against persecution for conscience sake, and the liberty of person against unjust wars, and private or public violences, under whatever name or authority, our own governments are distinguished from all others :and because the grounds of our own Constitution cannot be distinguished from those of the law of nations and of conscience, our State as a moral person, extends the same rights to other nations, acknowledged free, that it does to its own citizens acknowledged free. In these instances the protective and conservative powers appear in their perfection. The occupations of the priest, the clergyman, the minister, the missionary, those of critics, authors, and editors, -in a word, of all who engage in works that rest for their value upon the public taste, belief and sentiment, are protected with a sacred In these occupations men are ab care. fairs of military and police. And here the very first feature of a free government, that strikes us, is that it employs the arms, the courage, and the skill of its own citizens in its own defense. Those who do not understand the moral nature of a government, or who affect a philosophical accuracy of opinion, will perhaps assure us that we ought to defend our country as cheaply as possible, and if Hessian mercenaries can be had for less wages than free citizens, we should employ them in preference. But here the protective, which is one with the patriotical sentiment, saves us the labor and evil chances of an antifree trade argument; we are not reduced to the necessity of an argument; history and the national prejudice has set us right upon that point; and the time must come when the protection of native labor and industry, from patriotic motives, will seem as essential to a patriotic policy as the employment of the arms and courage of our own citizens. |