« ՆախորդըՇարունակել »
nesses, partnerships, i. e. the aggregate a State representative; but a senator of the interests of the entire nation, taken by Union represents not so much a people, as villages, towns, and cities, being thus re a system of government, an organization ; presented in the House.
his function is strictly conservative; he is The Senate, on the other hand, seems bound to defend at every point the soveto represent organized and established reignty which he represents. The interforms of power, and not merely bodies of ests of the State from which he comes contending interests. In the House of are to be defended by him against the enLords we see represented the church, the croaching interests of other States. To judiciary establishment, and the great the Senate, perhaps, we owe the existence families ; promotions to lordships being of the State sovereignties, perhaps the chiefly for the maintenance of the ancient existence of the Union. In every State orders. The legal lords, the clerical lords, there is a governing body, a class of able and the social lords make up the body of and efficient men, who draw to themselves that House. They represent the great by merit, by property, by ability, and the powers, established in perpetuity by tra- arts of popularity, all the offices of governdition and usage over the heads of the ment. These men, from motives either of people. Formerly, we find the separate interest, of ambition or of patriotism, make governments, the dukedoms, earldoms, state affairs their proper care. They are the marches, and counties represented there. guides, the advisers, and defenders for the In the Senate, as in the House of Lords, time of the people, while the people respect powers established in perpetuity, name- them. They ascertain the desires of the ly, State sovereignties, are represented; people, ascertain or imagine for them, and we see, too, that the Senate is the their wants and wrongs, and originate for conservative body, and preserves the an
them all laws and measures of redress. cient liberties of States, as the House of They originated popular constitutions, and Lords does the ancient feudalities, from they advise or flatter, or persuade the popular and executive desecration. The people, that they are good and suitState sovereignties stand in our govern- able. These constitutions establish certain ment in place of lords of families, lords of offices and functions to be filled by men church, and law lords.
who make politics and offices their busiAn election of Senators by popular ness. These constitutions appoint also choice would break down the whole sys- certain citizens to a certain inferior functem, and for a government of State sover tion (from which such persons only are eignties give us a mere tug of parties. excluded by law, as are deemed unfit,) The Senate would connive with the House; namely, the function of voting or electing senators and representatives elected on the certain persons to fill the higher offices, same ticket, and answerable to the same or in other words, to exercise more responconstituents, would act as one body, and sible functions, than those of a voter or the Senate itself prove only a useless in- elector. The system of the higher offices cumbrance.
of a State, being a body of functionaries The ground of aristocracy is privilege, appointed for the welfare of a particular the greatest privilege is the power of legis- portion or division of the whole people, lating for one's self and for one's family; and having the entire control over the there is, therefore, not the least tincture internal and domestic economy of that of aristocracy in the Senate of the Union ; portion or State, constitutes a perpetual for there is no privilege. The Senate of corporation, with a peculiar interest, a the Union, though superior in dignity, peculiar prejudice, and a peculiar pride. yet recedes as far as possible from aristoc- This power, or system of powers
in racy in being the defender of State liber- each State, represents interests often adties against both representative and execu verse, and even hostile to those of other tive encroachments. It is the duty of the States; it is, therefore, absolutely necessenator to consider the interests of the sary, that in the general system of the government which he represents. The government these State interests and rights senator of a State legislature is elevated should receive a full and powerful repreonly in his grade and respectability, above sentation, lest in course of time they should
be neglected and forgotten; and, exaspe- Old World, by as many political castes or rated by contempt, should draw off the orders. Although the division of a peomasses from their allegiance to the govern- ple by castes, is no longer tolerated, and ment of the whole. It need not, therefore an individual my occupy successively and excite our surprise, if we hear senators without disgrace, all stations in society, defending with vehemence the institutions still the occupations themselves remain as of the States of whose politics and cus- they were founded by nature. They have toms they are the representatives. While each their peculiar genius and necessities, these polities and customs exist in a and it rarely, if ever happens, that the State, the senator is bound by every same person excels, or is successful in all. law of honor and of duty to defend
The first and most remarkable occupathem against aggression. And, how- tion is that of instructors and schoolmasever much he may lament their existence, ters, of every rank and degree, from the he must not allow them to be interfered good dame who teaches children the A, with, by strangers, or even vilified without B, C, to the great savan who developes defense. Noris the senator less bound by the mysteries of life, and the harmony of virtue of his office to prevent inequitable ap- the heavenly spheres. The importance of propriations of the public means. Should this order of persons to the State need not it appear to him, that an unjust preference be dwelt upon. They are not the least had been given to the citizens, or to the influential body in the present condition of government of one State over another, or society. They include also, philosophers to one section of country over another, it and metaphysicians. is his peculiar duty to prevent such unjust The next who attract our attention are appropriations, in as much as he repre- those who cultivate and appeal to the sents a body to whose care the dignity imagination and the feelings, including all and property of his State had been en- that are employed in the offices of worship trusted. But, while the senator must be and religious instruction. These include continually on the watch for the interests also, professed poets, and inventors of ficand the dignity of his State, there is no tion, and all whose occupation is to affect reason why he should apply to every the moral nature through the imaginative measure which he thinks unjust, the test of faculty. The highest enthusiasm of reliunconstitutionality. Many measures may be gion indulges in the poetical form, and the be unjust, and yet constitutional. It may teachings of religion are oftener conveyed be unjust to forbid the introduction of by figures, symbols, and parables, than by slavery into a new territory, and it may direct proof; so that it becomes necessary be at the same time constitutional. The to place the occupation of priest, clergyimprovement of the Mississippi river may man, and man of letters, under one head; be a great hardship to the Eastern States, and in the greatest examples they are but the Eastern States will never oppose united in one; the literature of some nasuch improvements, on the ground that tions, that of the Hebrews for instance, is they are unconstitutional. Southern sena-exclusively religious. Artists are also of tors may oppose the appropriation of this order; and in the political system of money for the protection of maritime com- Egypt, we find the priests, artists, poets, merce, by ships of war, and naval expedi- and architects, included in one caste, called tions ; they may even oppose the opening the Sacred Order. of national harbors for a commerce and
Next in order we notice the artisans, revenue upon the Northern lakes, but mechanics, and men of business, (who are they are not obliged to account for this also the most numerous, in the present opposition by a constructive unconstitu- system of society,) including all who practionality set up against these measures. tice any art or handicraft for the physical
comforts of man. This order includes man
ufacturers, seamen, agriculturists, garPolitical Economy.
deners, inventors, bankers, tradesmen, merThe occupations of a civilized people, chants, negotiators, agents, and those who divide very naturally into several kinds, are devoted wholly to the care or ownerrepresented in the primeval States of the ship of any species of property, or to con
struction in the arts of peace; under this pation is accidental, and he may leave it division it is also necessary to include states to-morrow; all that we ask of the man, is men and those who manage affairs of that he shall not engage in a business for public economy. Statesmen, as affairs now which he is incompetent, or remain in any are, seem to be merely the great business occupation too great or too heavy for his men of the country, who assist or who abilities. The opinion of castes and ranks, impair manufactures, agriculture, and by which a person is confounded with his
occupation; and by that treatment deThe fourth class of occupations is that graded into a machine, to the total sacriof military and police, and all that is con fice of his liberty, is not to be tolerated, cerned in the private and public defense, even in idea; and it is certainly better whether of life or property. The courts that men should exercise several trades, as of law, with all that belongs to them, fall is commonly done in New England, than under this head, as well as the army, lose their liberty by an hereditary devotion navy, and all those dangerous services, to one. It is necessary to the free and which require the arts of defense, offense manly character, that it should have tasted and inquisition. At the head of those several kinds of life; enough at least to stand the greater offices of the land and know their pains and their pleasures, their of the military state.
advantages and disadvantages; and if we Last in order we have domestic offices meet with a man who has experience in of every kind, from the service of the agricultural, mechanical, and commercial kitchen, to the offices of the public health, affairs, we are apt to value him above one or command of a royal household. Those who knows only one of these. It is this whose example governs the manners, versatility of intellect that distinguishes a customs, and fashions, of society, and who free from a stupid and slavish people; and exercise a merely social influence, stand in this Americans take the greatest pride. first in this rank.
After enumerating all the occupations, Although, in the general idea of human and observing in what forms human innature, every human being is regarded as dustry is obliged to develope itself, and containing all the knowledge and capacity after admitting that a complete and perfor the exercise of every occupation of fect man, or family of men, would be masevery order, yet, in practice it happens ters of all occupations and conditions, at that individuals are engaged permanently least in their principles, our natural pride or for the time, in but one occupation, as leads us a step further, and we say, that of science, worship, business, police, or NATIONS also, should be complete and persocial duty. The castes always exist; fect, and should take care to have all the though their members are continually occupations well and ably exercised by changing
their own citizens. A nation should scorn Though it might be justly regarded as an to become a mere herd of shepherds, or injurious and impossible attempt to class tribe of artisans ; it should not narrow its men by their occupations, every man being ability to the exercise of any one art, trade capable in his nature, unless his mind be or business, but should fill out the circle abortive or deformed, of exercising all of industry and make itself the complete the occupations, yet, it can do no harm and perfect representative of humanity, to regard these occupations themselves Its ambition should be broad and liberal. as fixed, and as having each a certain It should desire that all its energies attain character and value when compared with a full development. others. The most intense admirer
In all civilized nations, the occupation prefers the occupation of a sage, in whom of a learned man, or teacher, has been the philosopher and the poet are combined, held superior in importance and reputation or that of a hero who unites the warrior to all others. For, of this order of occuwith the patriot in himself; or that of the pations, the lowest grade is more reputastatesman who sees his own in his ble than the lowest of any other, as the country's prosperity; to that of a sutler dame schoolmistress is a person of more or fisherman. The mun indeed is neither trust than the ordinary domestic, or than statesman, sutler, or fisherman ; his occu any other in the inferior occupations of
life. So, also, the complete savan, such with all the rights and powers of freedom for example as we have in modern times and wisdom. Self-preservation is its first in the person of a Humboldt, or a Cuvier, law, and to sustain and protect itself a is of the first repute ; not excelled in his first necessity. The whole system of a occupation—which is that recommended free government is founded on the necesby Lord Bacon as the best a wise man sity of protection and self sustentation. It can engage in—by any, however eminent, is therefore the obvious duty of the peoof the other orders. The contempt that ple, not only to favor the education of falls upon such teachers as remain in the youth, but to protect them from corruptvulgar routine of schooling and flogging, ing influences; for if it is necessary that is itself a proof of the superior import- they be well educated, and converted into ance of the teacher's office; the mass of good citizens, it is also necessary to protect men regard it with a mysterious respect, them against evil education, and against and despise the tutor by comparison with such influences as will make them bad or his business.
discontented citizens. The purpose of We run little risk of contradiction in education being to render the mind of the saying, that this caste of occupations are nation, if we may so speak, free and comby far the most important and valuable plete within itself, producing all knowlthat can employ a reasonable being; and edge and inventions within itself, and rethat a citizen who feels a proper pride and lying upon itself for direction and guideenthusiasm for his nation, will protect and ance in the study of nature, and of the favor, in every way, the office of the teach- works of human and inspired intelligence. er and the man of science.
A people to whom the occupations of the The most important office, in the king, scholar and of the savan are a mystery doms and republics of the Old World is and a wonder, or which does not produce that of minister of public instruction, and within itself both scholars and men of the most perfect instrument of good gov- science, will as tenderly be led by the nose ernment and progress is the system of as asses are.
Such a half-educated peoschools. Our State governments are in- ple endued with a natural, unfed desire of complete, while they remain without a knowledge, may be so inveiyled and robbeaureau of education; the commission to bed of their common sense, by ingenious be chosen out of the best men of the State, foreigners, that they will surrender up their and commanded by the people to observe very purses and business to foreigners, unsuch care in erecting a system of educa- der the persuasion of a mere theory. tion for their children, as if the fate of The people being in the strictest sense, the Republic depended chiefly upon their a moral person—seeing that from them wisdom and integrity.
emanates the constitution of the StateThe creative, conservative, and beneficent which is a formal expression of universal energy of a popular State, discovers itself justice, as they understand it, and which in nothing more than in the education of is one in essence with the law of nations youth. By schools the youth of the coun- and the law of conscience, have rightfully try are bound together and nationalized. invested their government with a two-fold As a part of our polity for the fusing to power, namely that of protection, and gether and organizing of the incongenial that of beneficent aid and creation. They elements of our society, schools are evi- provide in their laws, not only for conserdently the most effectual. But creation is vation of the existing order of things, not the sole function of a beneficent pow- against which it is treasonable to conspire, er; protection and conservation to all in- but for the good of future generations, by terests, to life and liberty, to health, and the establishment of schools and the conto free opinion, to industry and genius, is struction of harbors, roads, and public equally a fundamental duty of govern- works. Setting aside all controversy about ment; more especially in a government the powers of the general government, in like ours, conducted under the eye and regard to works of internal improvement, influence of the people themselves, and neither the right or duty of the State govsubject to their approval or condemnation. ernments to provide such works, or that “ A political society is a moral person," of cities, towns and villages, to erect build
ings, and make roads for public purposes, , solutely free. Looking inward upon itself has ever been contested. Government the nation observes a cold and rigid imis really invested with a prospective and partiality toward those of its citizens who creative as well as a protective and con engage in occupations of this caste. But servative power.
of other nations it indulges a patriotic Could it be shown, for example, that jealousy. It desires that its religious in time of war certain persons maintained teachers, its artists, authors, and editors, an encouraging correspondence with the should be its own citizens ; that public enemy, or that in time of peace certain opinion should be created at home; that persons were engaged in exciting revolt, its public buildings, its paintings and the protective and conservative power may statues, its literature should be of native be employed to stop them. Or could it growth, an offspring of native sense and be shown that the inhabitants of a State genius. This is its beneficent desire; and were about to establish a hierarchy, and as far as government may justly extend abolish the republican forms, the conser- its protection, that desire will extend it. vative power of the higher government The occupations of taste and opinion, restmay forbid them. In all its functions the ing necessarily on prejudice, will be assiState represents the moral person, exclud- duously guarded and protected by any ing all that is individual or partial, when State not sunk in ignorance or selfishness. it looks toward the citizen, and adinitting Passing by for the moment the conall that is individual and partial when it sideration of that protective and beneficent looks lowards other nations.
influence which the State is required to The first exercise of the beneficent use over the occupations of industry, in powers of government, which we consid- the field, the workshop, the office, and ered, was in the establishment of schools, the store ; an influence so important that for
sake of preserving and continuing governments receive one half their power the Republic, by the effects of education. and character from the mode in which it is The second looks toward religious mat- exerted ; let us look at its operation in afters, and toward literature and the fairs of military and police. And here the arts.
very first feature of a free government, that In these two particulars, namely, in strikes us, is that it employs the arms, the maintaining the right of opinion, against courage, and the skill of its own citizens persecution for conscience sake, and the in its own defense. Those who do not liberty of person against unjust wars, and understand the moral nature of a governprivate or public violences, under what- ment, or who affect a philosophical acever name or authority, our own govern curacy of opinion, will perhaps assure us ments are distinguished from all others : that we ought to defend our country as and because the grounds of our own Con- cheaply as possible, and if Hessian merstitution cannot be distinguished from cenaries can be had for less wages than those of the law of nations and of con free citizens, we should employ them in science, our State as a moral person, ex- preference. But here the protective, which tends the same rights to other nations, is one with the patriotical sentiment, saves acknowledged free, that it does to its own us the labor and evil chances of an anticitizens acknowledged free. In these free trade argument; we are not reduced instances the protective and conservative to the necessity of an argument; history powers appear in their perfection. The and the national prejudice has set us right occupations of the priest, the clergyman, upon that point; and the time must come the minister, the missionary, those of crit- when the protection of native labor and ics, authors, and editors,—in a word, of all industry, from patriotic motives, will seem who engage in works that rest for their as essential to a patriotic policy as the emvalue upon the public taste, belief and ployment of the arms and courage of our sentiment, are protected with a sacred own citizens. care. In these occupations men are ab