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struction in the arts of peace; under this division it is also necessary to include statesmen and those who manage affairs of public economy. Statesmen, as affairs now are, seem to be merely the great business men of the country, who assist or who impair manufactures, agriculture, and


The fourth class of occupations is that of military and police, and all that is concerned in the private and public defense, whether of life or property. The courts of law, with all that belongs to them, fall under this head, as well as the army, navy, and all those dangerous services, which require the arts of defense, offense and inquisition. At the head of those stand the greater offices of the land and of the military state.

Last in order we have domestic offices of every kind, from the service of the kitchen, to the offices of the public health, or command of a royal household. Those whose example governs the manners, customs, and fashions, of society, and who exercise a merely social influence, stand first in this rank.

Although, in the general idea of human nature, every human being is regarded as containing all the knowledge and capacity for the exercise of every occupation of every order, yet, in practice it happens that individuals are engaged permanently or for the time, in but one occupation, as of science, worship, business, police, or social duty. The castes always exist; though their members are continually changing.

Though it might be justly regarded as an injurious and impossible attempt to class men by their occupations, every man being capable in his nature, unless his mind be abortive or deformed, of exercising all the occupations, yet, it can do no harm to regard these occupations themselves as fixed, and as having each a certain character and value when compared with others. The most intense admirer of equality prefers the occupation of a sage, in whom the philosopher and the poet are combined, or that of a hero who unites the warrior with the patriot in himself; or that of the statesman who sees his own in his country's prosperity; to that of a sutler or fisherman. The man indeed is neither statesman, sutler, or fisherman; his occu


pation is accidental, and he may leave it to-morrow; all that we ask of the man, is that he shall not engage in a business for which he is incompetent, or remain in any occupation too great or too heavy for his abilities. The opinion of castes and ranks, by which a person is confounded with his occupation; and by that treatment degraded into a machine, to the total sacrifice of his liberty, is not to be tolerated, even in idea; and it is certainly better that men should exercise several trades, as is commonly done in New England, than lose their liberty by an hereditary devotion to one. It is necessary to the free and manly character, that it should have tasted several kinds of life; enough at least to know their pains and their pleasures, their advantages and disadvantages; and if we meet with a man who has experience in agricultural, mechanical, and commercial affairs, we are apt to value him above one who knows only one of these. It is this versatility of intellect that distinguishes a free from a stupid and slavish people; and in this Americans take the greatest pride.

After enumerating all the occupations, and observing in what forms human industry is obliged to develope itself, and after admitting that a complete and perfect man, or family of men, would be masters of all occupations and conditions, at least in their principles, our natural pride leads us a step further, and we say, that NATIONS also, should be complete and perfect, and should take care to have all the occupations well and ably exercised by their own citizens. A nation should scorn to become a mere herd of shepherds, or tribe of artisans; it should not narrow its ability to the exercise of any one art, trade or business, but should fill out the circle of industry and make itself the complete and perfect representative of humanity. Its ambition should be broad and liberal. It should desire that all its energies attain a full development.

In all civilized nations, the occupation of a learned man, or teacher, has been held superior in importance and reputation to all others. For, of this order of occupations, the lowest grade is more reputable than the lowest of any other, as the dame schoolmistress is a person of more trust than the ordinary domestic, or than any other in the inferior occupations of

life. So, also, the complete savan, such for example as we have in modern times in the person of a Humboldt, or a Cuvier, is of the first repute; not excelled in his occupation-which is that recommended by Lord Bacon as the best a wise man can engage in-by any, however eminent, of the other orders. The contempt that falls upon such teachers as remain in the vulgar routine of schooling and flogging, is itself a proof of the superior importance of the teacher's office; the mass of men regard it with a mysterious respect, and despise the tutor by comparison with his business.

We run little risk of contradiction in saying, that this caste of occupations are by far the most important and valuable that can employ a reasonable being; and that a citizen who feels a proper pride and enthusiasm for his nation, will protect and favor, in every way, the office of the teacher and the man of science.

The most important office, in the kingdoms and republics of the Old World is that of minister of public instruction, and the most perfect instrument of good government and progress is the system of schools. Our State governments are incomplete, while they remain without a beaureau of education; the commission to be chosen out of the best men of the State, and commanded by the people to observe such care in erecting a system of education for their children, as if the fate of the Republic depended chiefly upon their wisdom and integrity.

The creative, conservative, and beneficent energy of a popular State, discovers itself in nothing more than in the education of youth. By schools the youth of the country are bound together and nationalized. As a part of our polity for the fusing together and organizing of the incongenial elements of our society, schools are evidently the most effectual. But creation is not the sole function of a beneficent power; protection and conservation to all interests, to life and liberty, to health, and to free opinion, to industry and genius, is equally a fundamental duty of government; more especially in a government like ours, conducted under the eye and influence of the people themselves, and subject to their approval or condemnation. "A political society is a moral person,"

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with all the rights and powers of freedom and wisdom. Self-preservation is its first law, and to sustain and protect itself a first necessity. The whole system of a free government is founded on the necessity of protection and self sustentation. It is therefore the obvious duty of the people, not only to favor the education of youth, but to protect them from corrupting influences; for if it is necessary that they be well educated, and converted into good citizens, it is also necessary to protect them against evil education, and against such influences as will make them bad or discontented citizens. The purpose of education being to render the mind of the nation, if we may so speak, free and complete within itself, producing all knowledge and inventions within itself, and relying upon itself for direction and guideance in the study of nature, and of the works of human and inspired intelligence. A people to whom the occupations of the scholar and of the savan are a mystery and a wonder, or which does not produce within itself both scholars and men of science, will as tenderly be led by the nose as asses are. Such a half-educated people endued with a natural, unfed desire of knowledge, may be so inveigled and robbed of their common sense, by ingenious foreigners, that they will surrender up their very purses and business to foreigners, under the persuasion of a mere theory.

The people being in the strictest sense, a moral person-seeing that from them emanates the constitution of the Statewhich is a formal expression of universal justice, as they understand it, and which is one in essence with the law of nations and the law of conscience, have rightfully invested their government with a two-fold power, namely that of protection, and that of beneficent aid and creation. They provide in their laws, not only for conservation of the existing order of things, against which it is treasonable to conspire, but for the good of future generations, by the establishment of schools and the construction of harbors, roads, and public works. Setting aside all controversy about the powers of the general government, in regard to works of internal improvement, neither the right or duty of the State governments to provide such works, or that of cities, towns and villages, to erect build

ings, and make roads for public purposes, has ever been contested. Government is really invested with a prospective and creative as well as a protective and conservative power.

Could it be shown, for example, that in time of war certain persons maintained an encouraging correspondence with the enemy, or that in time of peace certain persons were engaged in exciting revolt, the protective and conservative power may be employed to stop them. Or could it be shown that the inhabitants of a State were about to establish a hierarchy, and abolish the republican forms, the conservative power of the higher government may forbid them. In all its functions the State represents the moral person, excluding all that is individual or partial, when it looks toward the citizen, and admitting all that is individual and partial when it looks towards other nations.

The first exercise of the beneficent powers of government, which we considered, was in the establishment of schools, for the sake of preserving and continuing the Republic, by the effects of education. The second looks toward religious matters, and toward literature and the arts.

In these two particulars, namely, in maintaining the right of opinion, against persecution for conscience sake, and the liberty of person against unjust wars, and private or public violences, under whatever name or authority, our own governments are distinguished from all others :and because the grounds of our own Constitution cannot be distinguished from those of the law of nations and of conscience, our State as a moral person, extends the same rights to other nations, acknowledged free, that it does to its own citizens acknowledged free. In these instances the protective and conservative powers appear in their perfection. The occupations of the priest, the clergyman, the minister, the missionary, those of critics, authors, and editors,-in a word, of all who engage in works that rest for their value upon the public taste, belief and sentiment, are protected with a sacred

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solutely free. Looking inward upon itself the nation observes a cold and rigid impartiality toward those of its citizens who engage in occupations of this caste. But of other nations it indulges a patriotic jealousy. It desires that its religious teachers, its artists, authors, and editors, should be its own citizens; that public opinion should be created at home; that its public buildings, its paintings and statues, its literature should be of native growth, an offspring of native sense and genius. This is its beneficent desire; and as far as government may justly extend its protection, that desire will extend it. The occupations of taste and opinion, resting necessarily on prejudice, will be assiduously guarded and protected by any State not sunk in ignorance or selfishness.

Passing by for the moment the consideration of that protective and beneficent influence which the State is required to use over the occupations of industry, in the field, the workshop, the office, and the store; an influence so important that governments receive one half their power and character from the mode in which it is exerted; let us look at its operation in affairs of military and police. And here the very first feature of a free government, that strikes us, is that it employs the arms, the courage, and the skill of its own citizens in its own defense. Those who do not understand the moral nature of a government, or who affect a philosophical accuracy of opinion, will perhaps assure us that we ought to defend our country as cheaply as possible, and if Hessian mercenaries can be had for less wages than free citizens, we should employ them in preference. But here the protective, which is one with the patriotical sentiment, saves us the labor and evil chances of an antifree trade argument; we are not reduced to the necessity of an argument; history and the national prejudice has set us right upon that point; and the time must come when the protection of native labor and industry, from patriotic motives, will seem as essential to a patriotic policy as the employment of the arms and courage of our own citizens.


By the kindness of the publishers of that valuable and widely-read paper, "The Plough, the Loom, and the Anvil," which has done so much toward diffusing right information and just opinion, on subjects of public economy during the past year, we have been favored with proof-sheets in advance, of an article entitled, "Hear both sides," from the pen of Henry C. Carey, Esq., one of our own contributors, and whose work, entitled "Past, Present, and Future," seems destined to become the text-book of conservative and patriotic economists. Our readers will remember an able article published in our number for January, 1849, on the policy of England and its results, from the same powerful pen. The following bears more directly upon our own affairs. We give the matter of the article by abstract or by quotation.

The occasion of the essay was an examination of the question, whether the farmer and planter are to be protected or not, in their efforts to draw the loom and the anvil nearer to themselves; or whether, as the Union newspaper, and the so-called free-trade legislators contend, they should not be protected, but for the sake of "an augmented trade," should go without protection.

The general effort of the free-trade theorist has been to prove that low tariffs cause a greater consumption of foreign goods, by affording an outlet for the products of farms and plantations, to be exchanged for foreign manufactured articles. They argue strenuously for freedom of trade in the abstract, as a thing so excellent in itself, that everything else should be sacrificed to it. Just as some enthusiasts argue for the abolition of all laws, because all laws work some injury to innocent individuals.

Mr. Carey, in his large work, as well as in his periodical essays, adopts a line of argument quite different from any that we have seen in any other writers.

The principle of economy which he lays

down is, that of the agriculturalists, that as for the increase of the riches of a farm, the products of the soil should be consumed upon the soil, so also the products of mines, and plantations, should he worked up and consumed as near as possible to the place of their production.

We venture to say, that any man of business, or any person who has a practicle knowledge of the economy of production will acquiese in the principle at first hearing of it.

The arguments of the anti-protectionists, on the contrary, are derived from certain abstract propositions, such as the injustice of taxing one class of the community for the benefit of another; which are indeed true in the abstract, but have no bearing on the question; the protectionists holding the same opinions about justice and injustice that other men do, but insisting that the nation must defend itself against the efforts of foreigners to draw away its business and suppress its industry.

To this the reply is, true it is, the farmer is made to pay a little more, for the time, by a tariff, for foreign luxuries; but, at the same time he is enabled to produce more, and his products command a better price.

And here begins the argument of the article which we are now reviewing.

The writer for the Union newspaper, June, 1849, advanced that the free-trade principles of the Revenue Bill of 1846 are fully vindicated, by the fact, "that the export of breadstuffs still continues, and that the demand for cotton is sustained at an advanced price, and in the face of large supplies.' "While the market for our agricultural productions abroad has been extended without producing commercial embarrassment, by the reception of foreign goods, on liberal terms, in payment, the great consuming interests of the country have been enabled to become better customers to the manufacturers."

We cannot but pause here and invite the readers attention to the language of

the Union above given. It is asserted that the great consuming interests, that is to say, the skin and stomach of every man, woman and child in the country, are enabled to buy more from our Northern manufacturers, in consequence of a tariff which has let in foreign competitors on liberal terms. It appears, too, that our free trade gentlemen have the interests of the Northern manufacturers greatly at heart; a disposition to be acknowledged in them, with every courtesy.

But to return. The correspondent adds, that the revenue under these low duties, has increased some $6,000,000; that an "unfavorable balance of trade," has been "prevented by an increased export," that is to say, we have paid in cotton and breadstuffs, instead of cash; he then adds that the generally firm and comfortable state of things has enabled "our manufacturers to enlarge their establishments, and to extend their operations;" more cotton having been purchased by them in proportion under the present, than under the last tariff. Increase under the tariff of '42, 154,747 bales in four years; under the present tariff, 130,000 in three years.

This estimate, he continues, omits 75,000 for the last, and 100,000 for the present year, consumed by Southern manufacturers. He then adds, that when manufactures are high, the consumption is limited, and the owners of capital and machinery, (the larger operators) reap the benefit, and vice versa. The correspondent of the Union is evidently the same who prepares free trade commercial articles for the Democratic Review; in answering the Union, therefore, the Democratic Review is also answered.

He furnishes a table of cotton statistics, showing the regular increase of consumption, the largest being in 1848, 103,805 bales; and the smallest increase 20,000 bales in ten months, ending June '49, which shows a frightful falling off, by no means noticed by the Union.

Let us use the statistics given. From '42 to '45 inclusive, there was a regular increase; that of '45 being 42,262. From '45 to '47 inclusive, a regular falling off, that of '47 being only 5,000! Then follows a sudden and enormous increase in '48, of 103,805, and a great falling off again this present year.

Again, he says that the exports of cotton goods from New England were fifty millions yards, re-exports of foreign, ten millions. Southern and Western consumption of Eastern manufactured goods, 535,200,000 yards. Again, 7 millions of foreign cotton goods were introduced for home consumption, and the estimated 120 millions of Southern and Western manufactures, had to contend against these, and against the entire Eastern production.

The article closes by stating that the selling of large quantities of goods at low prices is advantageous to the operatives, and that small quantities at high prices favor the capitalists; an assertion to which we can only give a flat denial, it being a notorious fact that low prices entail the necessity of low wages, large capitals, and immense sales, all of which conditions are those of the English manufactories, and work a hopeless and disastrous state of things for the operatives. High prices and moderate sales enable small capitalists to engage; and vice versa.

The same correspondent of the Union and writer for the Democratic, states that the demand for cotton is "maintained at an advanced price, and in the face of large supplies." To this Mr. Carey replies, that the destructive frosts and freshets of the present year have diminished the prospective crop, perhaps one third, and the price has consequently risen little. That the planter has hardly received five cents the pound, average, the past season; and that consequently a great rise is demanded to cover his losses from the past sales, which have not covered the costs of production. To this must be added the reduction of freights, almost two thirds, within a few months, a reduction facilitating exportation, and of course sending more cotton abroad, and raising the price. A barrel of flour can now be carried to Liverpool for 25 cents, and the price is still falling.

We shall confine ourselves for the remainder of this article to a summary of Mr. Carey's argument.

The policy of free trade has driven the South into excessive production of cotton, which has made prices unremunerative.

The planters are seeking to substitute sugar in its place, and the sugar planters need protection more than the manufac


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