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Emperor of Austria had resigned in favor of his son, who now sought the alliance of Russia, urging as a plea, the common interest of the two monarchs in Poland.

Three armies now moved down upon Hungary, put in motion by the Autocrat. One from the northern side through Moravia, | commanded by Paniutin-50,000 men; one through Gallicia, from the north east, 100,000, under Paskiewitch, to pass the Carpathian mountains, and overrun northern Hungary. Three other smaller divisions crossed the same range by other passes on the right and left, west, and southeast, of the main army; while at the same time, Jallachich, the Ban or military chief of Croatia, on the south, acted against the southern provinces that bound his district on the north and west.

Either from policy, as some have faintly suggested, or from inability to meet the enemy with a sufficient force at more points than one, the Hungarian President Kossuth, retreated, for the time with his adherents, to the heart of the great Hungarian plain, Czegled. To reach the Magyars at this point the invading armies have to pass over a vast country left almost uninhabited, the cattle driven off, the bridges broken down, the green corn destroyed, and to be harassed on their approach by flying parties of Magyar horsemen, the finest cavalry in Europe.

most extraordinary things are related, showing in them a character of enthusiasm, and a chivalrous magnanimity, without parallel since the days of Washington. There is a general impression that these men aim to make Hungary a republic; its government has always been constitutional; it will continue as before, if it attains its liberty, with perhaps the substitution of a President for life, or a continually re-elected President, instead of a | king.

Hungary has a powerful and wealthy aristocracy: the people are not democrats and know nothing of democracy-of radicalism they have a German infusion, but that is all. The Magyars are a religious and a liberty loving people; but they are also strongly attached to their ancient orders; and any attempt to subvert them will, of necessity, fail; the condition of the people will be ameliorated, liberty of conscience will be granted to all; Kossuth has promised it to the Jews. The spirit of the present revolution seems to be created and to live in the eloquence of Kossuth; he rouses the people to a hatred of the Emperor of Austria; he appeals to their national prejudices.

From the remote distance at which we regard the revolution in Hungary, it seems to be managed by a few men; and depending upon a few, and not upon a mass of educated intelligence, it is more in the hands of accident than might be desired by the friends of European

Meanwhile several severe conflicts have taken place between the Magyar armies under their leaders Bem and Gorgey, and the invad-liberty. ing armies. Neither side seeming unequal to the contest.

By the last advices from Europe up to this date the 15th, it appears that the Ban of Croatia has been defeated by Bem, the leader of the southern Magyar army, and driven across the Danube, and that a considerable advantage has been gained over the Austro-Russian army by Gorgey, at Waitzen.

The want of money is supplied by a government paper currency, issued by Kossuth, whose name gives it value with the people.

Kossuth has made a successful effort to enlist the Jews in behalf of the Magyars; the Jews having been themselves levied upon by the Russians.

Kossuth, it is said remains constantly on board an armed steamer, on the Danube, which transports him to Pesth, to Comorn, to Raab, to Buda, where his presence is necessary. Great crowds of the people await him at every landing place; processions of the clergy and people, carrying the red sword and the red cross, come up to meet him. With a powerful and rapid elocution, he preaches to them the holy war, the war of independence, and the oration is followed by hymns and prayers. It is thus that he everywhere arouses the people, and fills them with a desperate enthusiasm. Of the three leaders, Kossuth, Bem, and Gorgey,

The powers of the invaders and of the invaded, seem to be nearly at a balance; report says, that General Bem, in Transylvania, has gained still farther advantages; that a dreadful battle has been fought there, ending in a defeat of the Russians, after which no quarter was given; that the Russian army was driven into Transylvania--that a corps of 15000 Russians were attacked and destroyed by only 2000 Hungarians; on the other side, the great battle at Waitzen is spoken of as extremely disastrous to the Russians--the Magyar horsemen do great execution in the pursuit, wounding dangerously great numbers of the enemy with their sabres. The latest account from all parts of Hungary are extremely favorable. The Ban Jellachich has been defeated by a division of the Magyars, &c.

Our limited space will not allow us to enter into the details of the numerous battles that have been lately fought in Hungary, almost all ending favorably for the cause of liberty; and yet if Russia pursues her ancient policy, and continues to pour army after army into Hungary, we are persuaded that nothing can save that country, except an armed intervention of the neighboring powers. Oh for one years' administration of a Mirabeau or a Lord Chatham, in France or England, to create a diversion in favor of this noble people!


In our last number we gave our readers a concise notice of the fact, that the French army under Oudinot was engaged in battering the walls of Rome, with every expectation of a severe and protracted siege. The courage or the resources of the defenders, however, gave way much sooner than was anticipated. On the 29th of June, the eighth bastion of the defenses was captured by the besiegers, and a destructive cannonade opened upon the second line of defense. At this moment consternation fell upon the city. The troops, excepting the followers of Garibaldi, the Students, and the Lombard allies, began to lose courage. The ground of St. Pectro in Montorio must be defended, but they refused to advance to its de


Garibaldi, holding in charge the Porta St. Pancrazio, informed the Triumvirate, that he could not much longer maintain his defense; that if they were resolved to hold out, the inhabitants must be all sent over to the left bank of the Tiber, the bridges be then destroyed, and and a third line of defense established on this side the river.

The National Assembly thereupon resumed its daily sitting, but nothing of consequence was concluded upon, the Triumvirs not communicating the message of Garibaldi. At length a member rose and inquired why the message had not been communicated, whereupon the true position of affairs becoming known to the assembly, they passed certain resolutions, and it was determined to make the best possible terms. M. Mazzini opened communication with Oudinot endeavoring to make terms, but that general would be fettered by no conditions, and after a great deal of fruitless negotiation, it was agreed, that the French army should be permitted to enter quietly into the city. An amnesty was granted, from which, however, Garibaldi and his followers, with the foreign troops were excluded. The hour of 10 o'clock, on the evening of the 2d, was fixed upon for the entry of the French troops; a manœuvre on the part of the Romans, to give Garibaldi and his troops full time to escape.

At sunset of the same day, they moved off unnoticed to the mountains. As soon as his retreat was secured the defenses were left open to the French.

Garibaldi it is said, took with him 4,000 infantry, and 500 horse, determined to take refuge in the Abruzzi, or to force their way into Venice.

A strong division of the French army entered and took possession next morning, by the Porta del Popolo, of the famous hill Pincio. The height of St. Piedro was soon covered by the troops of France.

These particulars were condensed from a

full account given in the Times, and quoted from that paper by the New York Tribune. The following proclamation was published at Rome, on the 5th:

"INHABITANTS OF ROME! The general Commander-in-chief of the French army has named me governor of your city. I assume this character with the firm intention of second

ing energetically, by all the means in my power, the measures already taken by the General-inchief to secure your tranquillity and protect your persons and your property. I take the following measures from this day: 1. Crowds in the streets are prohibited, and will be dispersed by force. 2. The retreat will be beaten at 9 P. M. Circulation in the streets shall cease at half-past 9. At that hour public places shall be closed. 3. Political clubs which, contrary to the proclamation of the General-inchief, have not yet been closed; shall be so by force, and the proprietors or householders of the places where such circles might be found to exist shall be pursued with the greatest rigor. 4. Every violence or insult offered to our soldiers, or to those who are in friendly relation with them, every impediment laid in the way of provisioning the army, shall be immediately punished in an exemplary way. 5. Physicians and public functionaries alone will be allowed freely to walk the streets at night, They must, however, be furnished with a pass, signed by the military authority, and shall be escorted from station to station to the place they intend to go. Inhabitants of Rome! you want order. I will guarantee it to you. Those who intend to prolong your oppression shall find in me an inflexible severity.

The General of Division, ROSTOLAN. Rome, July 5."

The Pope, on receiving the keys of the Portese and San Pancrazio gates of Rome, named a commission that was to proceed to the Eternal City, to arrange with MM. de Corcelles and an Austrian agent, the mode of his return to Rome. The French, Belgian and Spanish Ministers have gone also to Rome for the same purpose.

The private correspondence of the Opinione, of Turin writes, on the 5th:

"Hostile demonstrations continue. When a Frenchman enters a coffee-room, all the Italians withdraw. Several inn-keepers, being afraid to lose their native customers, have refused to lodge the invaders. If, in the streets, a Frenchman apply for information, no reply is returned to him. Such is the situation of Rome. The English and American Consuls are our sole protectors. They deliver passports to those who demand them, and are always ready to extend their protection to the patriots who claim it."

The French were proceeding with great activity to the disarming of the Romans, and the feeling of hostility on both sides was not

by any means calmed by the measures which | ference of Prussia is resisted by the Regency became necessary in the course of that opera- and the Diet. tion. The situation of Rome is without any change. An inquiry has been instituted to discover andpunish the murderers of Count Rossi.

The Constituent Assembly of Rome has been dissolved by force by the French. The Representatives had protested, and declared that the sitting was prorogued to an indefinite day.

The Constitutionale Romano, which had suspended its publication, has reappeared. M. de la Tour d'Auvergne, accompanied by two secretaries, visited on the 8th all the public prisons, to ascertain if they contained political prisoners. Gen. Zamboni, who was confined in the castle of Santangelo, and all the other persons imprisoned for political offenses by the Republican Government were subsequently set at liberty. On the 8th, the new coffee-house was closed and occupied by the French together with the barrack of the riflemen at the Sapienza. Every day fresh troops and artillery arrived at Rome; five pieces were planted in the Corso. All the wounded had been removed from the Pope's palace, and a commission, composed of three cardinals, was expected to regulate with Gen. Oudinot the restoration of the Pontifical Government.


The policy of the President of the French Republic, so called, continues to be suppressive and reactionary. We hear, in the Assembly, of new plans for the government of the press, and for the general reorganization and strengthening of the government. Paris continues in the hands of military power; the bayonet governs. At present, it is a general sentiment in France, a sentiment which is the growth of necessity, that it is better to shape public opinion by argument, and so govern in the English and American fashion, than to maintain a hopeless series of revolutions. The great men, out of office, write, and appeal, and argue, and argue, and write, and appeal, while those in office have nothing on their hands, or in their thought but the forcible prevention of new revolutions, by whatever means may seem for the time, most convenient and expedient. The prorogation of the assembly has been voted. General Cavaignac voted against the prorogation, but it passed by 294 against 247. The assembly will not separate until the 20th of the month. Democratic writers say, that the Republic has nothing to fear from dynastic pretensions: it is said, that General Cavaignac will be the next president. Several distinguished Polish gentlemen have been banished from France, which proves beyond a question, that Russian diplomacy is powerful in that

Letters from Civitia Vecchia of the 11th inst., announces the occupation of Viterbo by a column of 3,000 French soldiers, who were met outside the gates by the Municipality and the National Guard. The Prefect of Viterbo, and the ex-Prefect of Civitia Vecchia, had been arrested. The French were said to have over-country. taken Garibaldi's legion and captured the greater part of their baggage. On the 8th three or four of his men were brought prisoners into Rome, together with several wagons filled with wounded. A band commanded by an Englishman named Forbes, and forming the advanced guard of the Legion of Pianciani, was said to be committing all sorts of excesses at Terni. A column of 4,000 Austrians had left Macerata for Umbria, and the Spaniards were said to have advanced to Velletri. Several customs officers, charged with the murder of a number of priests, they were directed to escort to San Calisto, had been arrested by order of Gen. Oudinot.

The siege of Venice continues, now reduced to a blockade.

On July 16th, Rome was again brought under Papal sway, under the protection of the French Army, with shouts of "viva l'Italia," "viva la Religion," "viva la Francia;" but the whole is an effort of despotism.


The Danish and Holstein war, is not yet at an end; during the armistice the regency of Sleswig Holstein continues to recruit its army, and to strengthen itself. The powerful inter

The Radicals affirm, that the two great enemies of the Republic are the clergy, and the Bank of France. Radical revolutions look toward repudiation, and interfere dreadfully with the business of the country; it is, therefore, extremely natural that businessmen should be opposed to revolutions. The Socialists leave religion out of their calculations; it is, therefore, quite natural for the clergy to oppose Socialism. Louis Napoleon believes in a strong government, and is admitted, at last, to be a shrewd, enduring, and longheaded man; his progress toward absolute power is by gradual but sure steps; he may become Dictator, possibly, Emperor. But the French are a people for whom no calculations can be made, and the danger they fear is scarcely ever the danger that impends.


Since the repeal of the Navigation laws, things remain very quiet in England; the ministry, for the present, hold their place, but the Protectionists are evidently gathering strength. The most remarkable events of the times seem to be the Queen's visit to Ireland, the sympathetic meeting for the Hungarians, and efforts to improve the condition of the poorer classes and of the public health.

In London, on the 23d of July, a great concourse of the English friends of the Magyar liberties, met at London Tavern, to express their sympathy with that brave, but unfortunate and unfriended people. Among those present were Mr. Cobden, Lord Nugent, William Howitt, &c. Mr. Cobden addressed the meeting with great effect. He put forth the principle, that the liberty of every nation should be regarded as sacred, the principle of noninterference, except for the defense of national liberties. He said that every nation ought to be allowed to regulate its own affairs. He thought favorably of the cause of the Hungarians, and spoke with great severity against Russian interference. "What I am here today for," said Mr. Cobden, "is to rouse the feelings of the peace party in this country against the aggression of Russia. We may be asked, how can you bring moral force to bear upon these armed despots? I will tell you. We can stop the supplies. Why Russia can't carry on two campaigns beyond her own frontiers without coming to Western Europe for a loan. She never has done so without being either subsidized by England or borrowing money from Amsterdam. I tell you I have paid a visit there, and I assert that they cannot carry on two campaigns in Hungary without either borrowing money in Western Europe or robbing the Bank at St. Petersburgh. I know that the Russian party here and abroad would rather that I should send against them a squadron of cavalry and a battery of cannon, than that I should fire off the facts that I am about to tell you. I say, then, that Russia can not carry on two campaigns without a loan. In 1829, Russia was engaged in a war with Turkey, but after one campaign she was obliged to go to Hope, of Amsterdam, and borrow 40,000,000 florins to carry on a war of two years' duration. In 1831, when the Poles rose in insurrection against Russia, if it had not been for the assistance of Hope, of Amsterdam, Russia could not have carried on that nine months' war. The loan, I understand, was called in England, the Pole-murdering loan. Well now, I want to know, can't we, as a peace party, do something to prevent Russia or Austria raising a loan in Western Europe again? The whole contest depends upon that. I have told you they cannot carry on a war without either robbing the Bank of St. Petersburgh or borrowing money abroad. There is no one in their own country from whom they can borrow; there is not a citizen who can lend them a farthing. The rumors of the wealth of Russia exist because their diplomatists, who are clever, cunning men, invent falsehoods, which no one who knows the real condition of the country could believe for a moment. They tell us that the Emperor has gold mines in Siberia, from which he can draw any possible amount of gold, and that is a story which

is believed even by some honorable gentlemen in Threadneedle street. Now, I have been there, and I know what is the value of those mines. The Russian government does not work those mines itself, but receives a per centage upon the working of these mines by others. After the gold-mine delusion is dispelled, they tell you that the Emperor of Russia has a great amount of specie in the vaults of the fortress of St. Petersburgh. Yes, there is a reserve of specie there, precisely as we have a reserve of specie in the Bank of England, but it is a reserve of £14,000,000 to meet a circulation of £40,000,000 or £50,000,000. If it comes to a war, Russia must either come for a foreign loan or rob the bank; and if the Emperor takes that money, he takes what no more belongs to him, and what he has no more right to take, than if the Chancellor of the Exchequer came down to Threadneedle street and took the reserve out of the vaults there. There are men here present who know I am speaking the truth. I know it, because I have been on the spot and made it my business to understand these things. I should never have spoken thus of the poverty of Russia, if she had not violated a principle which every man who admires Hungarian fortitude and courage, and feels an interest in the cause of liberty and patriotism, is bound to further and uphold. Well, these are my moral means, by which I invite the peace party to put down this system of loaning. Now, will any one in the city of London dare to be a party to a loan to Russia, either directly or openly, or by agency and co-partnership with any house in Amsterdam or Paris? Will any one dare, I say, to come before the citizens of this free country and avow that he has lent his money for the purpose of cutting the throats of the innocent people of Hungary? I have heard such a project talked of. But let it only assume a shape, and I promise you, that we, the peace party, will have such a meeting as has not yet been held in London, for the purpose of denouncing the blood-stained projectfor the purpose of pointing the finger of scorn at the house or the individuals who would employ their money in such a manner-for the purpose of fixing an indelible stigma of infamy upon the men who would lend their money for such a vile, unchristian, and barbarous purpose. That is my moral force. As for Austria, no one, I suppose, would ever think of lending her money. Why, she has been bankrupt twice within the last forty years, and now her paper money is at a discount of 15 per cent. As the peace party throughout the country, we will raise a crusade against the credit of every government that is carrying on an unholy war. If Russia should take a step that required England or any other great maritime power, like the United States, to attack that Power, why we should fall like a thunderbolt upon her.


Retribution; or, the Vale of Shadows-A Tale of Passion. By EMMA D. E. NEVITT SOUTHWORTH. N. York: Harper & Brothers. 1849.

A critical friend, who has read this novel, pronounces it nearly, if not quite equal in power and interest to the famous "Jane Eyre." The style is eloquent, and refined, the plot consistent, and powerful, the characters natural and strongly marked.

David Copperfield-No. 4." With a plate.

Philadelphia: Lea & Blanchard. New York: G. P. Putnam. The same published in an elegant form, by JOHN WILEY, 161 Broadway, New York. 1849.

This work of Dickens' seems to ourselves his very best; certainly his best written. It shows more art and study, the style is purer, it is freer from the author's peculiar faults, has no "maudlin" in it, and is altogether a delicious affair, though the sadness of the history of poor little Copperfield renders it too pathetic for very sensitive nerves.

History of the Constituent Assembly of Francefrom May 1848. By J. F. COCKRAN, Esq. New York: Harper & Brothers. 1849.

A brilliant, lively, and sensible series of political sketches, taken by the author from personal observation in the galleries of the French Assembly. The book conveys a remarkably vivid impression of the leading men of the present French Republic. The style is cultivated and at the same time easy and conversational.

The History of Pendennis-his fortunes and misfortunes, his friends and his greatest enemy. By W. M. THACKERAY. New York: Harper & Brothers. 82 Cliff street.

The author of "Vanity Fair," and what we like still better, of the "Great Hoggarty Diamond," has a style that ranks, for simplicity and bon hommie, with that of Charles Lamb. As an author he can only be compared with Dickens, but he is also as unlike that admirable delineator as he is unlike Lamb, or Fielding. Thackeray, notwithstanding his sarcastic vein, is essentially the prince of good fellows in print. He is an author in whom one may place confidence. You sit down to him, as to a table where you are sure of good cooking, an amiable and witty company. In such a spirit and with such a confidence, shall we sit down, by and by, and read Pendennis, and then we will be able to make up our minds whether the author has "exceeded himself" or "fallen short of himself," &c. &c.

The works of Washington Irving-New edition, revised by the Author's own hand. Vol. II. The Sketch Book. New York: G. P. Putnam. 1849.

Mr. Irving's works never weary in the reading. A more elegant master of English has not appeared this century; he is the only writer who has succeeded in the style of Addison and the classics, and is perhaps the last of that school. The Sketch Book is generally supposed to be his best work.

This edition has an English look. The style of "getting up" is English, the pages delightfully open and clear, the work cheap.

Bulwer and Forbes on the Water TreatmentEdited, with additional matter, by ROLAND S. HOUGHTON, A. M., M. D. New York: Geo. P. Putnam, 155 Broadway. 1849.

The press teems with works on the WaterCure. This is a reproduction of Bulwer's famous letter from the Malvern Hills, on the benefits and pleasures which he himself received from it; to which is added a regular scientific treatise by Dr. Forbes. The volume is elegantly got up.

A Second Visit to the United States of North America. By Sir CHARLES LYELL, F. R. S., President of the Geological Society of London, &c. New York: Harper & Brothers. 2 vols.

Sir Charles Lyell is the only English traveller in this country, who writes without prejudice, if indeed he is not strongly prejudiced in favor of republican institutions.

No features of our country, or of our social system, escape his keen scientific vision, Churches, courts, families, scenery, geology,

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