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on the war. The Jews and Germans in the towns, if they were engaged at all, were unwillingly engaged in the revolution; and of the inferior and Border population, we saw the greater part arrayed against the Magyars, or passively submitting to whichever power predominated. The Croats, Sclavonians, Servians and Transylvanians, and even the Saxons and Romans, who go, altogether, to compose the Kingdom of Hungary proper, by no means harmonize with the great central nation of Magyars, who are the governing population, were Hungary once detached from Austria. The quarrel on the part of Hungary is against the general constitution which was promulgated for all Austria. This argument is all that the Austrian official has to offer, that Hungary should not be allowed to separate herself from Austria, and to disturb, by this separation, the balance of States in Europe.
The two words "Balance of Power" and "preservation of order" on the one side, and the equally potent "democracy and rights of the people," are the watch-words of contending parties throughout Europe. It is very clear that the Balance of Power would then be perfectly established when all Europe should be reduced under a single despotism, and it is equally clear that under such a system, well carried out, order would be thoroughly preserved; and so it would be if the people of Europe were hung by the neck in rows.
It is nothing against the design of the Hungarians that they, an integral people, a thoroughly nationalized people, have yet among them a large intermixture of foreigners, and are surrounded by nations whose love of liberty is inferior to their own. They are still a compact body of 5,000,000, able to constitute a powerful government, and able to give free institutions and legal protection to as many of other races as may choose to live amongst them. The Czar of Russia declares that he interferes for the love of order and the safety of his Polish provinces. Austria admits that it is for the possession of Hungary that she fights, as a portion of her Empire. Against these arguments are set off the constitutional rights of Hungary itself, violated by attempts on the part of Austria to incorporate her as a province of the Empire, when she is, properly, a free kingdom; and, what is of still more importance, under our view, the necessity of allowing every nation, that is truly a nation, a free development of its own energies; by its own methods of progress and civilization. The theory of Count Stadion of a universal German Empire, the reduction of all the nations of Germany under a single inflexible system of domination, for the purpose professed of an equal and universal amelioration of the entire people, as the central power may choose to conduct it;-this theory, perfectly despotic in its spirit, while it is apparently constitutional and humane, makes
no provision for the development of the central principle of human nature, the liberty of the individual, nor for its higher development in the liberty of the state. The idea of a combination of free states, managing each its own domestic affairs in its own way, the affairs of the whole, as a whole, being committed to a central power, has not yet become a powerful idea in Europe; nor is it, perhaps, possible to construct such a system of states until the people of each separate state are ready to peril their lives for their state liberties and state rights. Political systems take their rise from the spirit of the people. According to the demand for liberty in the individuals, taken man by man, will be the degree of liberty granted by the constitution.
The unconditional surrender of Görgey to the Russian General Paskiewitch, has at length sealed the fate of Hungary. General Görgey, according to the Vienna papers, issued a proclamation, declaring the reservation of the Provisional Government, of which Kossuth was President, and the appointment of himself dictator. Hungary is now in process of being overrun, and finally conquered by the armies of Russia and Austria; and so have sunk, for the present, the hopes of Republicanism in Europe. We have, doubtless, in future, to look forward to a closer and still closer union of the despotic powers, and to an increasing jealousy on their part of Republicanism, and of the people who give it power by their example.
The democracy of Germany look to the ill success of the Hungarians as a fatal omen for themselves.
A correspondent of the London Daily News writes from Berlin an account of the opening of the Prussian Chambers; Count Brandenburgh, the Prime Minister, read the King's speech. The electors have sent in a great number of new members, and the character of the Assembly is not yet tried.
The King's speech dwelt much upon the necessity of order and tranquillity, and on the importance of the erection of a Federal German State: it regrets the failure to arrive at an understanding with the government at Frankfort: it declares that the unity of Germany, with a single executive power at its head, and the freedom of the German people, secured by a popu lar representation, continues to be the aim of
all its endeavors.
The Government of the United States, pursuing the policy of Washington, and in obedience to the laws of nations, have effectually put a stop to the fitting out of armed vessels in ports of the United States against the existing Government of Cuba. It would occupy too much of our space, at present, to enter upon a
detailed account of the measures taken to that end. Suffice it to say, that a United States squadron are at present engaged in blockading the private armed expedition against Cuba, collected on Round Island, Mississippi, and have prevented the fitting out and departure of armed vessels from New York.
The papers give full accounts of a revolution going on in Cuba. A considerable party there are in favor of establishing a Republican Government, and of annexing Cuba to the United States.
The fate of St. Domingo is at length sealed. President Soloque has been declared Emperor by a faction, and formally crowned.
By some extracts from a British correspon
dent, we learn that the great majority of newspapers in the Canadas are, at length, openly in favor of annexation. The condition of Canada is represented to be deplorable in the extreme. Business is at a stand, enterprises paralyzed, civil war constantly impend ing, and the whole attributed to the form and clumsy working of the Colonial Government.
Should the event predicted by good observers in Europe and this country come to pass, viz., a war of the combined European powers upon the United States, we may look, with certainty, at the conclusion of such a war, to very large acquisitions of territory in the North, as well as in the South. The first invasive act on our part, on the breaking out of such a war, would, doubtless, be the conquest of Cuba.
First, as to the mechanical execution of the work: we find it clearly and handsomely printed, with a page not divided into columns, on paper of very good quality.
The number before us, for August, 1849, has a green vignette cover, representing the industry of the plough, the loom, and the anvil, in very tasteful wood-cuts, which are pleasing to the eye and the fancy.
the August number are divided into thirty articles, of which a large proportion are from the pen of the accomplished editor himself, the most agreeable and judicious periodical writer upon agriculture and topics of economy with whose productions we are acquainted.
The first article in the number is a letter to Col. C. M. Thurston, from J. S. Skinner, editor of "The Plough, Loom, and Anvil," on the best means of bringing into activity the resources of Cumberland, a region of coal mines in Maryland. It is a powerful argument, demonstrating the necessity for the land-owners of Cumberland to bring the artisan—the ironworker, the coal-miner, and the manufacturer
upon their land, if they wish to ensure the prosperity of the farmer; that for this purpose legal protection is necessary to them, against the over-production and pauper production of Europe.
The third article is a lecture on agricultural chemistry, entitled Who is the Practical Man?" by J. C. Nesbit, Esq. An article on Georgia Railroads and Manufactures; a very interesting article on Dairy Husbandry, and an account of Mr. John Holburt's splendid farm. It would occupy too much room to attempt even a descriptive list of the valuable and interesting matter of this number. The work generally avoids technicalities, and omits everything dry and heavy in its descriptions of farmoperations.
The number contains 64 pages of printed matter, which is rather more than one half the quantity given in a monthly number of the American Review. The subscription is three dollars per annum, which brings it nearly to an equality of price with ourselves, if the engraving ings which we give are thrown out of the question.
We take occasion to say in this connection, that it is a false opinion, industriously circulated by our enemies, that the subscription price of the American Review is much larger than it should be. We beg our subscribers to remember that a newspaper is supported chiefly by its advertisements, and that but a very small part of the matter in a newspaper is paid for by the publishers; besides which, the different style, and superior execution of a journal with engraved illustrations and original matter, brings it to cost nearly three times as much as a daily newspaper of equal circulation.
If it were possible to sustain the Review, in its present size and shape, on a three dollar subscription list, the price would be $3; but as prices are at present, $5 per annum does not cover losses and expenses, unless by a very large subscription list.
To return to Mr. Skinner's book, "The Plough, Loom, and Anvil.” The 64 pages of
On page 119, there is a really elegant engraving on wood of the magnificent horned pheasant, with a description of the pheasant family. We wish every success to this work; we believe it to be the most valuable of its class.
Two Lectures on the Connection between the
The work is prefaced with a very curious and instructive map of the world, exhibiting
the extent of countries known to the writers of the Old and New Testaments, compared with those known to the moderns.