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sary to increase the restraints of law in is as responsibly charged with the care of order to protect the public, rather than to those interests, as the state governments throw them off as useless habiliments. It are within their spheres. Both exist to cannot with any propriety be said, that le- promote the same objects, and the differgislation has produced an artificial condi- ence between them is rather a difference tion of banking, which can only be pre- of jurisdiction, than of nature or kind. To served by the constant addition of new hold a contrary doctrine, would cast a susprovisions, for that science has matured it-picion upon the wisdom of our constitution. self under circumstances admitting its In adapting the advantages of the guarhighest adaptation to the wants of man- anty-system to the wants of the nation, as kind; and the only object of legislative we have shown in the article already alinterposition is to circumscribe the ille- luded to, no more is required of the genegitimate operations of banks, while bank-ral government than that it shall adopt a ing is and should be left to the largest liberty consistent with public convenience. It is no less difficult to vindicate the propriety of conceding to the federal government, the right of adopting such a system of finance as will afford the greatest convenience to the nation. It ought to be a prominent consideration in the adoption of any governmental measure, whether by Congress or the State Legislatures, whether the interests of trade and labor are to be affected beneficially or injuriously by it; for the general government within its sphere
convenient mode of managing its own financial concerns, without making use of those disputed powers under which the creation of a national bank must take place. And the public advantages to be derived from such a course ought mainly to influence its adoption. In requiring this it is only asking of a popular government that its policy should originate in the interests of the people, and its measures be conformed to their wants, which was the true ideal of the framers of the constitution.
A. J. W.
A HISTORY OF PARTIES.
(Continued from page 338.)
A "PEACE PARTY" was soon formed, composed of an union of Federalists, and a portion of the anti-war Democrats, whose intention it was, to defeat Mr. Madison's re-election, or bring out an expression of public sentiment that would force the administration to a peace. A few, more intemperate, openly threatened a dissolution of the Union, but these had no weight in any party, and spoke only for themselves. A number of prominent Federalists, deeming it their duty now to support the administration in the war, refused to take any part in disapprobatory expressions; among these were Oliver Wolcott and Samuel Dexter, members of President Adams' cabinet. The ex-President, himself, had been a warm supporter of the republican administrations, from an early period after Jefferson's accession.
The nomination of Madison for reelection, by a Congressional caucus of the administration party, unanimously made, was at once followed by that of De Witt Clinton, by the Republican members of the New York Legislature; an effort to extend the disaffection to the party in other States was made, but attended with little success. A convention of the Federalists was held at New York city, in September, in which eleven States were represented by seventy delegates. It was decided by them to unite with the New York Republicans, on Mr. Clinton, as the only chance of defeating Mr. Madison. Jared Ingersoll, a Federalist, of Pennsylvania was nominated for Vice President.
Notwithstanding the apparent unanimity of Mr. Clinton's nomination by the New York Republicans, Mr. Madison had a party in the Legislature, and the vote of the State was not given up without an effort. The administration men were headed in the Legislature, by Nathan Sanford, Erastus Root, and Gen. Haight; the Clin
| tonians, by Martin Van Buren, and others. In a caucus of both divisions of the Republican party, Mr. Van Buren is said to have delivered a violent philippic against the South, and the "Old Dominion" particularly, and to have denounced Madison and his whole cabinet, as "unworthy the confidence of the people,"-Messrs. Sanford and Root replying to him.
The re-election of Mr. Madison was effected by 128 electoral votes, to 89 for Clinton. Gerry having 131 to 86 for Ingersoll. The opposition gained from the previous election, New York, New Jersey, and 3 votes in Maryland-40 votes in all. Their hopes had been high, and the disappointment was bitter.
In the 13th Congress, the division of parties was thus: Senate: Administration, 27; Opposition, 9; House: Administration, 120; Opposition, 66. Henry Clay was elected Speaker of the House, by 89 votes, to 54 for Timothy Pitkin of Connecticut.
The State of Massachusetts, as being in lead of the opposition, had been jealously watched by the administration party, who expected that whatever measures of resistance to the government were adopted, would originate there. The dominant party in that State, was in the lead of Harrison Grey Otis, Josiah Quincy, William Prescott, and others, men of decided talent, and obnoxious to the Republicans, as ultra in their schemes of opposition. A resolution adopted in the State Senate, on motion of Mr. Quincy, declaring, in effect, that it was unbecoming a moral and religious people, to rejoice over victories not achieved in immediate self-defence, had furnished a theme for denunciation to the Republicans of the whole Union, and this "unpatriotic sentiment," they deemed a prelude to worse action. Gov. Strong's refusal to place the militia under the orders of the United States' officers, (based
on constitutional grounds) was viewed as one step toward a treasonable design, and when the Hartford Convention was proposed, this was believed to be intended to consummate the scheme of disunion and a British alliance, or, at least, of open resistance to the government.
The real occasion of this celebrated meeting, was the critical condition of the New England States. A hostile fleet hovered near the coast menacing descent, and proclaiming that its object was to pillage and destroy the seaports; Provost, at the head of 14,000 veterans, was in the state of Vermont; a part of Massachusetts was in possession of the enemy-that State had expended a million of dollars, in her defence her treasury was bankrupt, in effect -stocks being at a discount of 50 per cent. The national government, occupied with the formidable invasions at the South, one of them directed immediately against itself, was unable to provide for the exigency at the North. In this state of affairs an extra session of the Massachusetts Legislature was called, and the meeting of a New England Convention, suggested by that body, by a party vote 22 to 12, in the Senate, 260 to 90 in the House. The objects to be considered were the "public grievances and concerns," "defence against the enemy," and if they thought proper, to procure a Convention of all the States, to revise the consitution so as to secure the rights of all, "by placing all upon the basis of a fair representation."
The Convention met at Hartford, Dec. 15, 1814, and their debates continued for a fortnight, with closed doors and under an injunction of secrecy. But the idea that this injunction was the cover of treasonable debates, the character of the members entirely forbids; and it is further disproved by the instructions under which the Connecticut delegation went to the Convention, viz., to deliberate " on measures not inconsistent to the government." The result of their debates was a paper enumerating the grievances of the New England States; recommending them to petition Congress to be allowed to retain a part of the taxes levied on them, for self-defence, and proposing to the people of the United States, amendments to the Constitution, restricting the power to make war; that to admit new States; that to lay embargoes
and to restrict commerce; limiting the President to a single term, and providing against his election from the same State for two successive terms; respecting the representation and taxation of slaves. These propositions, were rejected by the Legislatures of all the States except those of New England.
At about the time of the meeting of the Convention, the Republican members of Congress from New England, held a caucus to consider what course it was best to recommend to the President, in relation to the Convention. A proclamation forbidding the meeting was suggested, but rejected, and no advice could be agreed upon. It is now known, that the President gave secret orders to the District Attorney of Connecticut, to watch the proceedings of the Convention, and on the appearance of any overt act of treason, the commander of the United States' troops in Connecticut was to arrest the whole body. If more force than he had was required, the militia of New York were to be called into requisition.
The war soon concluded. As a measure of party policy, we believe its effects upon the nation to have been good-to have been worth the price, and more. We believe the contest was necessary, in this sense, that although it might have been for a time postponed, it could not be permanently avoided, without sinking the nation into a worse condition than that of colonial servitude. It was emphatically, the "second war of Independence." Its effect on the condition of parties was adverse to its supporters. Many of that party had been disaffected, some irreconcilably divided; an opposition, feeble at the commencement, had been strengthened until it was nearly an overmatch for the administration party. Had the war continued a short time longer, it must have ruined its projectors; the splendid victories of the last campaign, indeed, were not sufficient to prevent complaints from all parts of the country of the increasing weight of their burdens. The administration felt its condition fast growing critical, and hailed the treaty as affording escape from an approaching dilemma.
Another effect of the war was the farther removal of the Republican party from their old opinions of the relative power of the state and national governments and of
Whatever their the
Instead of a return to the old policy, on the return of peace, the message accompanying the treaty recommended the maintainance of a respectable army; a "gradual advancement of the naval establishment;" a system of fortifications, &c., the cultivation of the military art, "under the liberal patronage of the government," and a revision of the tariff for the protection of manufactures. In the next message, the establishment of a National Bank was recommended, and the enlargement of the powers vested in the Constitution proposed, to enable the government to perfect a grand "system of roads and canals." It was thought best, too, to let the Internal Taxes remain for a few years.
All these recommendations were carried into effect, except that to amend the Constitution, and on this point the majority of the administration members asserted the power to exist, as in the case of President Jefferson's recommendation in the affair of Louisiana, by implication, and undertook its exercise. The old Bank had been refused a charter for another term, in 1811, only by the casting vote of the Vice President, the opposition in the party being mainly on the ground that the national finances were in a condition not needing its aid. A singular circumstance in regard to this effort to re-charter the Bank, is, that it was voted for by William B. Giles, and Richard Brent, the Virginia Senators; and what is more surprising yet, they voted for it in contempt of the instructions of the Virginia Legislature ! The Bank bill of 1815 was vetoed for the want of sufficient strength and vitality, but all question of constitutionality, the President says, is "precluded."
The bill of 1816, was brought in by Mr. Calhoun, and obviated these objections. The Federalists were alarmed at the gigantic institution, and declared there was no power for the creation of such a Bank. It passed by a division of parties in this order:
Three quarters of the Republicans voting in the affirmative, and the like proportion of the Federalists in the negative.
The Tariff bill, passed in 1816, in conformity to the President's recommendations, made a large increase on former duties, for the sole purpose of protection to manufactures. The Federalists were evenly divided (within one vote,) on its passage, while of the administration members, two-thirds (within one), voted for it. Mr. Jefferson, from his retirement, comes out to applaud the policy, (letter to Benjamin Austin, 1816) and to suggest even "prohibitory duties." We find Mr. Madison, also, at a later day, when his opinions were called in question, (no one could have read his messages who doubted) writing, (Letter to Joseph C. Cabell, 1827) that sustains not only the existence of the power to protect manufactures, but that it was also not an incidental but a direct power, from the authority to regulate trade.
Thus the Republican party has become (and has in part long been) the party of a National Bank, Protective Tariff, Internal Improvement, a large Navy, large expenditures, and wide construction. They are the party of a strong government, and of nationality; and to limit State authority still farther, it was in serious contemplation to devise an effective punishment to prevent State authorities from assuming to judge of the public necessity or other circumstances making a call of the national executive for their militia constitutional. The government organ (the National Intelligencer,) explained that the scheme was postponed only for convenience, not from choice. Our readers will remember Mr. Polk's elaborate inspection, in his last annual message, of the "departure from an earlier policy" at this period. It is not a little singular, by the way, that a President claiming to be guided by the policy of the Republican administrations, should stigmamatise the policy prevailing during twothirds of the Republican period, and approved by every one of the Republican
port of Mr. Monroe, and his future administration, and thus obliterate all party distinctions. The masses of each party seemed disposed to unite, but there was little sym
Presidents, to the very last of their public expressions of sentiments, as intended to build up an "aristocracy of wealth," on the backs of the people. And this is not a mere mistake of theirs; the President at-pathy among the leaders. Some of the tributes the motive to them, and reveals Republicans objected that the Federalists the manner in which the "vain idea" ought not to share the rewards with those "was veiled under plausible pretexts." who had been always faithful; these FedWe have no quarrel with Mr. Polk's bad eralists would influence the policy of the taste-it is the inconsistency, only, we no- government; and if there were no oppositice. Mr. Van Buren, in one of his mes- tion, the Republican organization would be sages goes farther back than Mr. Polk, lost, and its principles forgotten, in the speaking of a "departure of nearly half a divisions that must follow. Some of the century" from constitutional principles. Federalists objected to the proposed union, While these professed imitators so dishon- that the Republicans merely invited them or their models, the Whig Presidents, Mr. to a surrender, at discretion, offering no Adams, Gen. Harrison, and Gen. Taylor, concessions. We lose, said they, in this warmly approve the policy of all the Re- amalgamation, a good name and character, publican administrations, and Mr. Clay and sacrifice noble principles. We have insists that the Whig party is, and has al- reason to be proud of our party-we have ways been, in the exact position of the Re- an honorable stand-we ask for no patronpublicans. age of the government-our object is only to guard our rights, and check the majority. If the administrative party endanger the popular liberty, we form a nucleus for the people to rally around. It was urged, too, that a great influence was growing up in the West, which would soon revolt from the domination of the South, and in the contest between them, the Federalists of the East, should stand ready to cast their weight in favor of either, whose ascendancy might be required for the general good, or to hold the balance between them, and prevent the excesses of either.
When Mr. Monroe was transferred to the War department, in 1814, the State department was offered to Gov. Tompkins, of New York, who declined its acceptance; but by his friends the offer was regarded as equivalent to his selection by the administration as the intended successor of Madison. In 1816, the Legislature of New York nominated Tompkins, but he received little support elsewhere. Monroe was more the favorite than any other, of the party. In New England, the Republicans were for Monroe, with hardly a dissentient voice. The Republicans in the Legislatures of Massachusetts and Connecticut gave him an unanimous nomination. William H. Crawford, the Secretary of War, was advocated by seemingly a very small interest; but his friends were secretly active, and while Monroe's friends dreamed of no considerable effort against him, his defeat had been nearly secured. In the congressional caucus, 65 members voted for Monroe, and 54 for Crawford. But for the united support of the New England Republicans, Monroe would have been defeated. The state of the vote occasioned much surprise, and raised doubts with many of the propriety of congressional nominations. Gov. Tompkins was nominated for Vice President, by 86 votes to 30 for Gov. Snyder of Pennsylvania.
The friends of the administration invited the Federalists to unite with them in sup
The result was a considerable accession to the Republicans from the Federal ranks, (few of the leaders going with them,) but a failure of the project of amalgamation.
In the State elections of this year, Federalists succeeded in Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Delaware, and Maryland, which had always been their most reliable States, though Maryland usually divided its vote, at the Presidential election, in consequence of the electors being chosen in single districts. The Presidential election came on, in a perfect calm, the newspapers being almost entirely barren of political matter. The votes of 16 States were given to Monroe and Tompkins, making 183. Rufus King, the Federal candidate for President, received the vote of three States-Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Delaware-34; their vote for Vice President being scattered. From the elec