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constructive powers. Whatever their the-
ory, they became in practice the advocates SENATE. Republicans,

of wide construction-the party of consol-
idation-and passing beyond their oppo-
nents, who still remained at their old posi-HOUSE.
tion, left them as the party of limited con-
struction. The acts adopted to carry on
the war, strengthened the central govern-
ment, till its federal character seemed
merged in the national.

Instead of a return to the old policy, on

Federalists.

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Republicans, Federalists.

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Three quarters of the Republicans voting in the affirmative, and the like proportion of the Federalists in the negative. The Tariff bill, passed in 1816, in con

the return of peace, the message accom-formity to the President's recommendaistration, and thus obliterate all party distinctions. The masses of each party seemed disposed to unite, but there was little sym

panying the treaty recommended the maintainance of a respectable army; a "gradual advancement of the naval establishment;" a system of fortifications, &c., the cultivation of the military art, "under the liberal patronage of the government," and a revision of the tariff for the protection of manufactures. In the next message, the establishment of a National Bank was recommended, and the enlargement of the powers vested in the Constitution proposed, to enable the government to perfect a grand "system of roads and canals." It was thought best, too, to let the Internal Taxes remain for a few years.

All these recommendations were carried into effect, except that to amend the Constitution, and on this point the majority of the administration members asserted the power to exist, as in the case of President Jefferson's recommendation in the affair of Louisiana, by implication, and undertook its exercise. The old Bank had been refused a charter for another term, in 1811, only by the casting vote of the Vice President, the opposition in the party being mainly on the ground that the national finances were in a condition not needing its aid. A singular circumstance in regard to this effort to re-charter the Bank, is, that it was voted for by William B. Giles, and Richard Brent, the Virginia Senators; and what is more surprising yet, they voted for it in contempt of the instructions of the Virginia Legislature! The Bank bill of 1815 was vetoed for the want of sufficient strength and vitality, but all question of constitutionality, the President says, is " precluded." The bill of 1816, was brought in by Mr. Calhoun, and obviated these objections. The Federalists were alarmed at the gigantic institution, and declared there was no power for the creation of such a Bank. It passed by a division of parties in this order:

tions, made a large increase on former duties, for the sole purpose of protection to manufactures. The Federalists were evenly divided (within one vote,) on its passage, while of the administration members, two-thirds (within one), voted for it. Mr. Jefferson, from his retirement, comes out to applaud the policy, (letter to Benjamin Austin, 1816) and to suggest even "prohibitory duties." We find Mr. Madison, also, at a later day, when his opinions were called in question, (no one could have read his messages who doubted) writing, (Letter to Joseph C. Cabell, 1827) that sustains not only the existence of the power to protect manufactures, but that it was also not an incidental but a direct power, from the authority to regulate trade.

Thus the Republican party has become (and has in part long been) the party of a National Bank, Protective Tariff, Internal Improvement, a large Navy, large expenditures, and wide construction. They are the party of a strong government, and of nationality; and to limit State authority still farther, it was in serious contemplation to devise an effective punishment to prevent State authorities from assuming to judge of the public necessity or other circumstances making a call of the national executive for their militia constitutional. The government organ (the National Intelligencer,) explained that the scheme was postponed only for convenience, not from choice. Our readers will remember Mr. Polk's elaborate inspection, in his last annual message, of the "departure from an earlier policy" at this period. It is not a little singular, by the way, that a President claiming to be guided by the policy of the Republican administrations, should stigmamatise the policy prevailing during twothirds of the Republican period, and approved by every one of the Republican

Presidents, to the very last of their public | port of Mr. Monroe, and his future adminexpressions of sentiments, as intended to build up an "aristocracy of wealth," on the backs of the people. And this is not a mere mistake of theirs; the President at-pathy among the leaders. Some of the

tributes the motive to them, and reveals the manner in which the "vain idea"

was veiled under plausible pretexts." We have no quarrel with Mr. Polk's bad taste it is the inconsistency, only, we notice. Mr. Van Buren, in one of his messages goes farther back than Mr. Polk, speaking of a "departure of nearly half a century" from constitutional principles. While these professed imitators so dishonor their models, the Whig Presidents, Mr. Adams, Gen. Harrison, and Gen. Taylor, warmly approve the policy of all the Republican administrations, and Mr. Clay insists that the Whig party is, and has always been, in the exact position of the Republicans.

When Mr. Monroe was transferred to the War department, in 1814, the State department was offered to Gov. Tompkins, of New York, who declined its acceptance; but by his friends the offer was regarded as equivalent to his selection by the administration as the intended successor of Madison. In 1816, the Legislature of New York nominated Tompkins, but he received little support elsewhere. Monroe was more the favorite than any other, of the party. In New England, the Republicans were for Monroe, with hardly a dissentient voice. The Republicans in the Legislatures of Massachusetts and Connecticut gave him an unanimous nomination. William H. Crawford, the Secretary of War, was advocated by seemingly a very small interest; but his friends were secretly active, and while Monroe's friends dreamed of no considerable effort against him, his defeat had been nearly secured. In the congressional caucus, 65 members voted for Monroe, and 54 for Crawford. But for the united support of the New England Republicans, Monroe would have been defeated. The state of the vote occasioned much surprise, and raised doubts with many of the propriety of congressional nominations. Gov. Tompkins was nominated for Vice President, by 86 votes to 30 for Gov. Snyder of Pennsylvania.

The friends of the administration invited

Republicans objected that the Federalists ought not to share the rewards with those who had been always faithful; these Federalists would influence the policy of the government; and if there were no opposition, the Republican organization would be lost, and its principles forgotten, in the divisions that must follow. Some of the Federalists objected to the proposed union, that the Republicans merely invited them to a surrender, at discretion, offering no concessions. We lose, said they, in this amalgamation, a good name and character, and sacrifice noble principles. We have reason to be proud of our party-we have an honorable stand we ask for no patronage of the government-our object is only to guard our rights, and check the majority. If the administrative party endanger the popular liberty, we form a nucleus for the people to rally around. It was urged, too, that a great influence was growing up in the West, which would soon revolt from the domination of the South, and in the contest between them, the Federalists of the East, should stand ready to cast their weight in favor of either, whose ascendancy might be required for the general good, or to hold the balance between them, and prevent the excesses of either.

The result was a considerable accession to the Republicans from the Federal ranks, (few of the leaders going with them,) but a failure of the project of amalgamation.

In the State elections of this year, the Federalists succeeded in Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Delaware, and Maryland, which had always been their most reliable States, though Maryland usually divided its vote, at the Presidential election, in consequence of the electors being chosen in single districts. The Presidential election came on, in a perfect calm, the newspapers being almost entirely barren of political matter. The votes of 16 States were given to Monroe and Tompkins, making 183. Rufus King, the Federal candidate for President, received the vote of three States-Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Delaware-343; their vote for Vice

the Federalists to unite with them in sup- | President being scattered. From the elec

tion of 1812, the Federalists had lost New Hampshire, Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey, and a fraction of Maryland

54 votes.

After the election, Gen. Jackson, who was a warm friend of Monroe, wrote to him respecting the existing state of parties, and advising him to effect an obliteration of the old distinctions, by forming his cabinet in part from each party, and extending his confidence to the Federalists as well as to Republicans. "Now is the time," he says, "to exterminate that monster called Party spirit." The General was little versed in politics, but he had learned more before he came to the Presidency himself. Mr. Monroe explains to him his error. "The chief magistrate ought not to be the head of a party," he admits, but he cannot lean on opponents for support. He does not regard the causes of party divisions as extinct. He regards the reduction of the Federal party as owing to their course in the war, "the daring measure of the Hartford Convention," &c. To extend confidence to their leaders would injure the party which had elected him, and would lessen the the ignominy due to these acts of the opposition. He is favorable, however, to the proposed union of the parties, and relies on their gradual seduction of the mass of the Federalists from their leaders, into the Republican party, as the true means of effecting that object. The event proved the expectations of Mr. Monroe to be well

founded.

The last message of Mr. Madison indicated the necessity of imposing yet higher duties, to afford the manufacturers proper encouragement-recommended an additional department in the executive branch of the government-the remodification of the Judiciary, to relieve the Judges of the Supreme Court from "itinerary fatigues," (as intended in the act passed in John Adams's administration, and repealed early in Jefferson's) and urged again an amendment to the Constitution to enable the construction of a system of roads and canals. The Bank, and the whole system of policy lately adopted, was highly eulogized. The party in Congress, however, (Mr. Calhoun leading in this matter,) still maintaining that the power was already granted, and should be exercised.

The journey of Mr. Monroe, soon after his inauguration, to the eastward, much facilitated the object of the extinction of the Federal party-(that we have seen was designed instead of a union.) He was treated with the highest consideration by the Federalists, and in return, he complimented their leaders by personal visits. In Boston, he attended a ball given by Harrison Grey Otis, and called upon James Lloyd, Josiah Quincy, Thomas H. Perkins, Ex-Gov. Gore, and other prominent men of the party. As a farther evidence of their good feelings, a dinner was given at Boston in honor of the new Secretary of State, John Q. Adams. The President liked the party better for what he saw, and doubted not now their attachment to the Union. His policy towards them, however, was not changed. Farther efforts for amalgamation followed, encouraged by some of the leading Republican papers, as the Aurora, edited by Wm. Duane, at Philadelphia, and the Olive Branch, by Carey; the Boston Centinel, edited by Major Russell, the leading Federal paper in New England, co-operated in the effort; but the leading republican journal of New England, the Chronicle and Patriot, on the other hand opposed the scheme, and was joined by other journals of the party. The project failed, but the depletion of the Federal party continued.

In April, 1817, Connecticut passed into the hands of the Republicans. From the organization of the government until this year, Connecticut had, without interruption, maintained Federalism in both her national and State influence, having held out against the re-election of Jefferson, when every other New England State supported him, and contributed nine out of the fourteen votes then cast for Pinckney. Delaware, alone, of all the other States, had uniformly voted against the Republican Presidential candidates. Oliver Wolcott, an adherent of the Republican party from the period of the late war, was elected Governor of Connecticut. Rhode Island was partially revolutionized at the same time by the election of Nehemiah R. Knight, as Governor. Vermont had returned to her former position in 1815. In 1819, there were but 25 Federalists in the House of Representatives of the United States out

of 186 members; from New England there were 35 Republicans and six Federalists, there being a few years before 38 Federalists to three Republicans. In 1819, Maryland fell into the hands of the Republicans. In 1820, the Federalists made no effort regarding the Presidential election, and were broken as a national party; only fragments remained, confined to State influence, and these were dying out one by one. The same year, they united in Pennsylvania with the radical Republicans in support of Gen. Hiester for Governor, who was elected by their aid, and in New Hampshire, Vermont, and Rhode Island brought forward no State ticket. In 1822, Delaware surrendered, the State government being for the first time within thirty years Republican in all its branches. In 1823, Gov. Brooks retired from the chief magistracy of Massachusetts, which would have been revolutionized ere this but for his personal popularity. To succeed him, the Federalists brought forward their accomplished leader, Harrison Grey Otis; the Republicans, William Eustis, formerly Secretary of War, with Levi Lincoln for Lieutenant Governor. The latter were elected with about 4000 majority, with a strongly Republican Legislature, and the Federal sway passed away forever from Massachusetts.

Monroe adhered fully to the " vain ideas" (to repeat Mr. Polk's phrase,) of his predecessor. He urged repeatedly the addition to the powers of the Constitution -recommended again and again higher duties for the protection of manufactures, and a large class of specific in place of ad valorem duties were finally determined upon. In his second Inaugural, he intimates that he may recommend, at this time of profound peace, the imposition of "Internal Duties and Excises." We should have revenue, he thinks, "without relying solely on the precarious resource of foreign commerce;" and he is satisfied the internal taxation will enhance the price of produce, and promote manufactures, in connection with the outward duties.

The subjects of Internal Improvements, the enlargement of the powers of the Constitution, the United States Bank inquiry, the affair of Gen. Jackson with the Spanish government of Florida, his execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister, the Florida treaty, the cession of Texas, the funding system, the great system of fortifications, the army, the navy, the protective policy, the South American question, his enlarged expenditures, all these were matters of debate in Congress and in public journals of the party, in all of which the one end was in view on one side, (that side not being always identical) to cast censure upon the President, and bring up permanently a counterpolicy to that of the administration. The opposition was often ascendant in Congress, and on a portion of these matters was in the lead of Mr. Clay. The members of no other section were united and uniform in support of the administration but those of New England, and their powcrful aid (between 30 and 40 votes) alone, saved the administration from a number of defeats. All this opposition, however, was doubtless intended less against Mr. Monroe than as a preparation for the struggle to take place for the succession. These were the incipient steps for the formation of new parties.

Mr. Monroe had but just entered upon his second term when the question began to be debated who should come next. New England confidently offered the Secretary of State, Georgia, the Secretary of the Treasury, South Carolina, Mr. Lowndes, and finally the Secretary of War; Kentucky and other Western States, Mr. Clay; Tennessee, Gen. Jackson. Adams and Jackson were understood to be identified with Mr. Monroe's policy, the rest more or less in favor of modifications of it. The contest was, however, to be local. The Northern, central, and Western sections of the party, each believed it to be now its own turn to furnish a President, and the South thought it not too much assurance to put forward its claims again. Mr. Crawford being deemed the strongest candidate in Congress, the friends of all the others determined to dispense with a Congressional caucus, the general sentiment of the people which had become averse to that mode of nomination sustaindidates being made "according to the accustomed usage of the party," and called a caucus, which was attended by sixty-six only out of two hundred and sixty-one members, a majority from every section being absent. Mr. Van Buren was the chief actor in this meeting. Mr. Crawford's nomination, with that of Mr. Gallatin for Vice President, was heralded to the nation as the "Republican nomination made in the usual form," but Mr. Crawford's prospect vanished from that moment. Without seeking this adventitious aid, Mr. Crawford would have stood on a fair level with the others, and been equally eligible to a combination with either one. The nomination raised him to that "bad eminence" that he became the butt of opposition to all others, who were ready to combine in every degree necessary to his defeat. Mr. Calhoun was supported in common by the Adams and Jackson parties for Vice President, (he having withdrawn from the Presidential race,) and a good feeling between the friends of these two was so prevalent, that had either of them been removed from the canvass his party would have united in mass upon the other.

A universal party cannot exist; as the Federalists decayed, the administration party began to be agitated, and show symptoms of disorganization. On nearly all questions of any magnitude the schismatic spirit appeared, though never was there less apparently to excite divisional feelings. | ing them. Mr. Crawford's friends, standing alone, insisted on the selection of can- | popular votes. Beyond New England,

The remnant of the Federalists was variously divided between three of the candidates. In New England sectional pride and the hope of sectional influence brought them generally to the support of Mr. Adams, though of the small party formed for Mr. Crawford in Massachusetts, they composed the larger part. In Pennsylvania and New Jersey they were nearly en masse for Jackson, expecting of none but him, an effectual disregard of old party lines. In Delaware, they generally pronounced for Mr. Crawford, " as the man who comes nearest being a Federalist." Mr. Clay could claim none of them, or too few to be heard of, among his supporters.

The Adams and Jackson parties increased very rapidly towards the close of the canvass, the hopes of the other parties sinking as fast. Mr. Adams was certainly the most popular candidate in the field, his party extending more to all sections than that of any of the others. An Adams electoral ticket was formed in nearly every State, with a respectable support, and so far as the choice was made by the people, he had a considerable plurality of the

(where there was but a shadow of support for all others,) the vote of the following States shows his strength: Ohio, Clay 19,255, Jackson 18,489, Adams 12,280; Maryland, Adams 14,632, Jackson 14,523, yet the singular fruits of the district system in Maryland, were to give Jackson seven, Adams three of the electoral votes. In Virginia, Crawford about 7,500, Adams 3,500, Jackson 2,200, Clay 1,200. Adams stood close to Jackson also in Louisiana and Illinois, carrying two electors in the former, and one in the latter, and was ahead of Crawford and Clay in Alabama and Mississippi, with a good vote in Indiana. In North Carolina his friends were strong enough to take that State from Crawford by throwing their weight into the scale of Jackson. To the sore disappointment of the Crawford men, the Legislature of New York gave two-thirds the electoral votes of that State to Adams, and the people would doubtless have given him as large a proportion. The whole vote was settled at 99 for Jackson, 84 for Adams, 41 for Crawford, 37 for Clay.

From the country at large, the contest was transferred to the House of Representatives, narrowed to three of the candidates, and the sentiment of the House limited it further to Adams and Jackson. Between the two, Mr. Clay and his 21 friends in the House, could feel no hesitation--they decided the election promptly in favor of Mr. Adams.

The

Mr. Clay accepting the Secretaryship under Mr. Adams, two of the new parties were thus amalgamated, and the fusion of the other two was inevitable. And just such an union, though not this exact union, was apparent from the outset. quadrangular battling of the popular canvass amounted to this it drew out the elements for two new parties, ready for a sudden marshalling, and designated Adams and Jackson as the grand leaders, and the two others for subordinates, leaving choice or fortune to fix their respective attachments. The whole arrangement, the redivision of parties for a second political period was completed in effect, if not in terms, the instant Mr. Clay resolved to make John Quincy Adams President.

Mr. Adams immediately attempted the conciliating policy. Having one of his

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