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constructive powers. Whatever their the-
ory, they became in practice the advocates SENATE. Republicans,
of wide construction—the party of consol-

Federalists. idation-and passing beyond their opponents, who still remained at their old posi- House. Republicans, 67 31 tion, left them as the party of limited con

Federalists. 13 40 struction. The acts adopted to carry on the war, strengthened the central govern Three quarters of the Republicans voment, till its federal character seemed ting in the affirmative, and the like promerged in the national.

portion of the Federalists in the negative. Instead of a return to the old policy, on The Tariff bill, passed in 1816, in conthe return of peace, the message accom- formity to the President's recommendapanying the treaty recommended the main- tions, made a large increase on former dutainance of a respectable army; a “grad- ties, for the sole purpose of protection to ual advancement of the naval establish- manufactures. The Federalists were ment;" a system of fortifications, &c., the evenly divided (within one vote,) on its cultivation of the military art, “under the passage, while of the administration memliberal patronage of the government,” and bers, two-thirds (within one), voted for it. a revision of the tariff for the protection of Mr. Jefferson, from his retirement, comes manufactures. In the next message, out to applaud the policy, (letter to Benthe establishment of a National Bank was jamin Austin, 1816) and to suggest even recommended, and the enlargement of " prohibitory duties.” We find Mr. the powers vested in the Constitution pro- Madison, also, at a later day, when his posed, to enable the government to perfect opinions were called in question, (no one a grand system of roads and canals.” It could have read his messages who doubted) was thought best, too, to let the Internal writing, (Letter to Joseph C. Cabell, Taxes remain for a few years.

1827) that sustains not only the existAll these recommendations were carried ence of the power to protect manufactures, into effect, except that to amend the Con- but that it was also not an incidental but & stitution, and on this point the majority of direct power, from the authority to reguthe administration members asserted the late trade. power to exist, as in the case of President Thus the Republican party has become Jefferson's recommendation in the affair of (and has in part long been the party of a Louisiana, by implication, and undertook National Bank, Protective Tariff, Internal its exercise. "The old Bank had been refu- Improvement, a large Navy, large expendsed a charter for another term, in 1811, itures, and wide construction. They are only by the casting vote of the Vice Press the party of a strong government, and of ident, the opposition in the party being nationality, and to limit State authormainly on the ground that the national fi- ity still farther, it was in serious contemnances were in a condition not needing its plation to devise an effective punishment to aid. A singular circumstance in regard prevent State authorities from assuming to to this effort to re-charter the Bank, is, that judge of the public necessity or other cirit was voted for by William B. Giles, cumstances making a call of the national and Richard Brent, the Virginia Senators ; executive for their militia constitutional. and what is more surprising yet, they voted The government organ (the National Intellifor it in contempt of the instructions of gencer,) explained that the scheme was the Virginia Legislature ! The Bank bill postponed only for convenience, not from of 1815 was vetoed for the want of suffi- choice. Our readers will remember Mr. cient strength and vitality, but all question Polk's elaborate inspection, in his last anof constitutionality, the President says, is nual message, of the departure from an “ precluded.” The bill of 1816, was earlier policy" at this period. . It is not a brought in by Mr. Calhoun, and obviated little singular, by the way, that a President these objections. The Federalists were claiming to be guided by the policy of the alarmed at the gigantic institution, and de- Republican administrations, should stigmaclared there was no power for the creation matise the policy prevailing during twoof such a Bank. It passed by a division thirds of the Republican period, and apof parties in this order:

proved by every one of the Republican

Presidents, to the very last of their public port of Mr. Monroe, and his future adminexpressions of sentiments, as intended to istration, and thus obliterate all party disbuild up an“ aristocracy of wealth,” on the tinctions. The masses of each party seemed backs of the people. And this is not a disposed to unite, but there was little symmere mistake of theirs ; the President at- pathy among the leaders. Some of the tributes the motive to them, and reveals Republicans objected that the Federalists the manner in which the “ vain idea” ought not to share the rewards with those “was veiled under plausible pretexts." who had been always faithful; these FedWe have no quarrel with Mr. Polk's bad eralists would influence the policy of the taste—it is the inconsistency, only, we no- government; and if there were no oppositice. Mr. Van Buren, in one of his mes- tion, the Republican organization would be sages goes farther back than Mr. Polk, lost, and its principles forgotten, in the speaking of a "departure of nearly half á divisions that must follow. Some of the century” from constitutional principles. Federalists objected to the proposed union, While these professed imitators so dishon- that the Republicans merely invited them or their models, the Whig Presidents, Mr. to a surrender, at discretion, offering no Adams, Gen. Harrison, and Gen. Taylor, concessions. We lose, said they, in this warmly approve the policy of all the Re- amalgamation, a good name and character, publican administrations, and Mr. Clay and sacrifice noble principles. We have insists that the Whig party is, and has al reason to be proud of our party-we have ways been, in the exact position of the Re- an honorable stand—we ask for no patronpublicans.

age of the government-our object is only When Mr. Monroe was transferred to to guard our rights, and check the majorthe War department, in 1814, the State ity. If the administrative party endanger department was offered to Gov. Tompkins, the popular liberty, we form a nucleus for of New York, who declined its acceptance; the people to rally around. It was urged, but by his friends the offer was regarded too, that a great influence was growing up as equivalent to his selection by the ad- in the West, which would soon revolt from ministration as the intended successor of the domination of the South, and in the Madison. In 1816, the Legislature of New contest between them, the Federalists of York nominated Tompkins, but he receiv- the East, should stand ready to cast their ed little support elsewhere. Monroe was weight in favor of other, whose ascendancy more the favorite than any other, of the might be required for the general good, or party. In New England, the Republicans to hold the balance between them, and prewere for Monroe, with hardly a dissentient vent the excesses of either. voice. The Republicans in the Legisla The result was a considerable accession tures of Massachusetts and Connecticut to the Republicans from the Federal ranks, gave him an unanimous nomination. Wil- | (few of the leaders going with them,) but liam H. Crawford, the Secretary of War, a failure of the project of amalgamation. was advocated by seemingly a very small In the State elections of this year, the interest; but his friends were secretly ac

Federalists succeeded in Massachusetts, tive, and while Monroe's friends dreamed Connecticut, Rhode Island, Delaware, and of no considerable effort against him, his Maryland, which had always been their defeat had been nearly secured. In the most reliable States, though Maryland congressional caucus, 65 members voted usually divided its vote, at the Presidential for Monroe, and 54 for Crawford. But election, in consequence of the electors befor the united support of the New England ing chosen in single districts. The PresiRepublicans, Monroe would have been de- dential election came on, in a perfect calm, feated. The state of the vote occasioned the newspapers being almost entirely barren much surprise, and raised doubts with ma- of political matter. The votes of 16 States ny of the propriety of congressional nomi- were given to Monroe and Tompkins, manations. Gov. Tompkins was nominated king 183. Rufus King, the Federal canfor Vice President, by 86 votes to 30 for didate for President, received the vote of Gov. Snyder of Pennsylvania.

three States— Massachusetts, Connecticut, The friends of the administration invited and Delaware—34; their vote for Vice the Federalists to unite with them in sup- President being scattered. From the elec

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tion of 1812, the Federalists had lost The journey of Mr. Monroe, soon after New Hampshire, Rhode Island, New York, his inauguration, to the eastward, much New Jersey, and a fraction of Maryland facilitated the object of the extinction of 54 votes.

the Federal party—(that we have seen After the election, Gen. Jackson, who was designed instead of a union.) He was was a warm friend of Monroe, wrote to treated with the highest consideration by him respecting the existing state of par- the Federalists, and in return, he complities, and advising him to effect an oblitera mented their leaders by personal visits. tion of the old distinctions, by forming his In Boston, he attended a ball given by cabinet in part from each party, and ex Harrison Grey Otis, and called upon James tending his confidence to the Federalists as Lloyd, Josiah Quincy, Thomas H. Perkins, well as to Republicans. “Now is the Ex-Gov. Gore, and other prominent men time,” he says, “to exterminate that mon of the party. As a farther evidence of ster called Party spirit.” The General their good feelings, a dinner was given at was little versed in politics, but he had Boston in honor of the new Secretary of learned more before he came to the Presi State, John Q. Adams. The President dency himself. Mr. Monroe explains to liked the party better for what he saw, and him his error. “ The chief magistrate doubted not now their attachment to the ought not to be the head of a party,” he Union. His policy towards them, howadmits, but he cannot lean on opponents ever, was not changed. Farther efforts for support.

He does not regard the for amalgamation followed, encouraged by causes of party divisions as extinct. He some of the leading Republican papers, as regards the reduction of the Federal party the Aurora, edited by Wm. Duane, at as owing to their course in the war, Philadelphia, and the Olive Branch, by “the daring measure of the Hartford Con

; vention,” &c. To extend confidence to Major Russell, the leading Federal paper their leaders would injure the party which in New England, co-operated in the effort ; had elected him, and would lessen the but the leading republican journal of New the ignominy due to these acts of the oppo- England, the Chronicle and Patriot, on the sition. He is favorable, however, to the other hand opposed the scheme, and was proposed union of the parties, and relies joined by other journals of the party. The on their gradual seduction of the mass of project failed, but the depletion of the the Federalists from their leaders, into the Federal party continued. Republican party, as the true means of In April, 1817, Connecticut passed into effecting that object. The event proved the hands of the Republicans. From the the expectations of Mr. Monroe to be well organization of the government until this founded.

year, Connecticut had, without interruption, The last message of Mr. Madison indi- maintained Federalism in both her national cated the necessity of imposing yet higher and State influence, having held out against duties, to afford the manufacturers proper the re-election of Jefferson, when every encouragement-recommended an addi- other New England State supported him, tional department in the executive branch and contributed nine out of the fourteen of the government—the remodification of votes then cast for Pinckney. Delaware, the Judiciary, to relieve the Judges of the alone, of all the other States, had uniformly Supreme Court from “itinerary fatigues," voted against the Republican Presidential (as intended in the act passed in John candidates. Oliver Wolcott, an adherent Adams's administration, and repealed early of the Republican party from the period in Jefferson's) and urged again an amend of the late war, was elected Governor of ment to the Constitution to enable the Connecticut. Rhode Island was partially construction of a system of roads and ca revolutionized at the same time by the nals. The Bank, and the whole system of election of Nehemiah R. Knight, as GoFpolicy lately adopted, was highly eulogized. ernor. Vermont had returned to her

The party in Congress, however, (Mr. former position in 1815. In 1819, there Calhoun leading in this matter,) still main- were but 25 Federalists in the House of taining that the power was already granted, Representatives of the United States out and should be exercised.

of 186 members ; from New England there

were 35 Republicans and six Federalists, The subjects of Internal Improvements, , there being a few years before 38 Federal- the enlargement of the powers of the Conists to three Republicans. In 1819, stitution, the United States Bank inquiry, Maryland fell into the hands of the Repub- the affair of Gen. Jackson with the Spanlicans. In 1820, the Federalists made no ish government of Florida, his execution effort regarding the Presidential election, of Arbuthnot and Ambrister, the Florida and were broken as a national party ; only treaty, the cession of Texas, the funding fragments remained, confined to State in- system, the great system of fortifications, fluence, and these were dying out one by the army, the navy, the protective policy, one. The same year, they united in Penn- the South American question, his enlarged sylvania with the radical Republicans in expenditures, all these were matters of desupport of Gen. Hiester for Governor, bate in Congress and in public journals of who was elected by their aid, and in New the party, in all of which the one end was in Hampshire, Vermont, and Rhode Island view on one side, (that side not being always brought forward no State ticket. In 1822, identical) to cast censure upon the PresiDelaware surrendered, the State govern- dent, and bring up permanently a counterment being for the first time within thirty policy to that of the administration. The years Republican in all its branches. In opposition was often ascendant in Con1823, Gov. Brooks retired from the chief gress, and on a portion of these matters magistracy of Massachusetts, which would was in the lead of Mr. Clay. The memhave been revolutionized ere this but for bers of no other section were united and his personal popularity. To succeed him, uniform in support of the administration the Federalists brought forward their ac but those of New England, and their powcomplished leader, Harrison Grey Otis ; crful aid (between 30 and 40 votes) alone, the Republicans, William Eustis, formerly saved the administration from a number of Secretary of War, with Levi Lincoln for defeats. All this opposition, however, was Lieutenant Governor. The latter were doubtless intended less against Mr. Monelected with about 4000 majority, with a roe than as a preparation for the struggle strongly Republican Legislature, and the to take place for the succession. These Federal sway passed away forever from were the incipient steps for the formation Massachusetts.

of new parties. Monroe adhered fully to the “ vain Mr. Monroe had but just entered upon ideas” (to repeat Mr. Polk's phrase,) of his second term when the question began to his predecessor. He urged repeatedly the be debated who should come next. New addition to the powers of the Constitution England confidently offered the Secretary -recommended again and again higher of State, Georgia, the Secretary of the duties for the protection of manufactures, Treasury, South Carolina, Mr. Lowndes, and a large class of specific in place of ad and finally the Secretary of War; Kenvalorem duties were finally determined tucky and other Western States, Mr. upon. In his second Inaugural, he in- Clay; Tennessee, Gen. Jackson. Adams timates that he may recommend, at this and Jackson were understood to be identitime of profound peace, the imposition of fied with Mr. Monroe's policy, the rest “ Internal Duties and Excises." We should more or less in favor of modifications of it. have revenue, he thinks, “ without relying The contest was, however, to be local. solely on the precarious resource of foreign The Northern, central, and Western seccommerce;” and he is satisfied the internal tions of the party, each believed it to be taxation will enhance the price of produce, now its own turn to furnish a President, and promote manufactures, in connection and the South thought it not too much aswith the outward duties.

surance to put forward its claims again. A universal party cannot exist; as the Mr. Crawford being deemed the strongest Federalists decayed, the administration candidate in Congress, the friends of all party began to be agitated, and show symp- the others determined to dispense with a toms of disorganization. On nearly all Congressional caucus, the general sentiquestions of any magnitude the schismatic ment of the people which had become spirit appeared, though never was there averse to that mode of nomination sustainless apparently to excite divisional feelings. ing them. Mr. Crawford's friends, stand

ing alone, insisted on the selection of can- | popular votes. Beyond New England, didates being made “according to the ac (where there was but a shadow of support customed usage of the party,” and called for all others,) the vote of the following a caucus, which was attended by sixty-six States shows his strength: Ohio, Clay only out of two hundred and sixty-one 19,255, Jackson 18,489, Adams 12,280; members, a majority from every section Maryland, Adams 14,632, Jackson 14,being absent. Mr. Van Buren was the 523, yet the singular fruits of the district chief actor in this meeting. Mr. Craw- system in Maryland, were to give Jackson ford's nomination, with that of Mr. Gal- seven, Adams three of the electoral votes. latin for Vice President, was heralded to In Virginia, Crawford about 7,500, Adams the nation as the “ Republican nomination 3,500, Jackson 2,200, Clay 1,200. Adams made in the usual form,” but Mr. Craw- stood close to Jackson also in Louisiana and ford's prospect vanished from that moment. Illinois, carrying two electors in the former, Without seeking this adventitious aid, Mr. and one in the latter, and was ahead of Crawford would have stood on a fair level | Crawford and Clay in Alabama and Miswith the others, and been equally eligible to sissippi, with a good vote in Indiana. In a combination with either one. The nomi- North Carolina his friends were strong nation raised him to that “ bad eminence” enough to take that State from Crawford that he became the butt of opposition to by throwing their weight into the scale of all others, who were ready to combine in Jackson. To the sore disappointment of every degree necessary to his defeat. Mr. the Crawford men, the Legislature of New Calhoun was supported in common by the York gave two-thirds the electoral votes Adams and Jackson parties for Vice Pre- of that State to Adams, and the people sident, (he having withdrawn from the Pre-would doubtless have given him as large a sidential race,) and a good feeling between proportion. The whole vote was settled the friends of these two was so prevalent, at 99 for Jackson, 84 for Adams, 41 for that had either of them been removed Crawford, 37 for Clay. from the canvass his party would have From the country at large, the contest united in mass upon the other.

was transferred to the House of RepresenThe remnant of the Federalists was va- tatives, narrowed to three of the candiriously divided between three of the can- dates, and the sentiment of the House didates. In New England sectional pride limited it further to Adams and Jackson. and the hope of sectional influence brought Between the two, Mr. Clay and bis 21 them generally to the support of Mr. friends in the House, could feel no hesitaAdams, though of the small party formed tion—they decided the election promptly for Mr. Crawford in Massachusetts, they in favor of Mr. Adams. composed the larger part. In Pennsylva Mr. Clay accepting the Secretaryship nia and New Jersey they were nearly under Mr. Adams, two of the new parties en masse for Jackson, expecting of none were thus amalgamated, and the fusion of but him, an effectual disregard of old party the other two was inevitable. And just lines. In Delaware, they generally pro- such an union, though not this exact union, nounced for Mr. Crawford, as the man was apparent from the outset. The who comes nearest being a Federalist.” quadrangular battling of the popular canMr. Clay could claim none of them, or too vass amounted to this-it drew out the few to be heard of, among his supporters. elements for two new parties, ready for a

The Adams and Jackson parties in- sudden marshalling, and designated Adams creased very rapidly towards the close of and Jackson as the grand leaders, and the the canvass, the hopes of the other parties two others for subordinates, leaving choice sinking as fast. Mr. Adams was certainly or fortune to fix their respective attachthe most popular candidate in the field, his ments. The whole arrangement, the reparty extending more to all sections than division of parties for a second political that of any of the others. An Adams period was completed in effect, if not in electoral ticket was formed in nearly every terms, the instant Mr. Clay resolved to State, with a respectable support, and so make John Quincy Adams President. far as the choice was made by the people, Mr. Adams immediately attempted the he had a considerable plurality of the conciliating policy. Having one of his

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