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coffee and sugar, would be greatly reduced in | posterity might enter on terms of perfect price. equality.

The value of our timber would also be greatly enhanced by free access to the American market, where it bears a high price, but | is subject to onerous duty. At the same time there is every reason to believe that our shipholders, as well at Quebec as on the Great Lakes, would find an unlimited market in all the ports of the American Continent. It cannot be doubted that the shipping trade of the United States must greatly increase. It is equally manifest that, with them, the principal material in the construction of ships is rapidly diminishing, while we possess vast territories, covered with timber of excellent quality, which would be equally available as it now is, since under the Free Trade system our vessels would sell as well in England after Annexation as before.

The simple and economical State Government, in which direct responsibity to the people is a distinguishing feature, would be substituted for a system at once cumbrous and expensive.

In place of war and the alarms of war with a neighbor, there would be peace and amity between this country and the United States. Disagreements between the United States and her chief if not only rival among nations, would not make the soil of Canada the sanguinary arena for their disputes, as under our existing relations must necessarily be the case. That such is the unenviable condition of our state of dependence upon Great Britain is known to the whole world, and how far it may conduce to keep prudent capitalists from making investments in the country, or wealthy settlers from selecting a fore-doomed battle-field for the home of themselves and their children, it needs no reasoning on our part to elucidate.

But other advantages than those having a bearing on our material interests may be foretold. It would change the ground of political contest between races and parties, allay and obliterate those irritations and conflicts of rancour and recrimination which have hitherto disfigured our social fabric. Already in anticipation has its harmonious influence been felt the harbinger, may it be hoped, of a lasting oblivion of dissensions among all classes, creeds and parties in the country. Changing subordinate for an independent condition, we would take our station among the nations of the earth. We have no voice in the affairs of the Empire, nor do we share in its honors or emoluments. England is our Parent State, with whom we have no equality, but towards whom we stand in the simple relation of obedience. But as citizens of the United States, the public service of the nation would be open to us- a field for high and honorable distinction on which we and our

Nor would the amicable separation of Canada from Great Britain be fraught with advantages to us alone. The relief to the Parent State from the large expenditure now incurred in the military occupation of the country--the removal of the many causes of collision with the United States, which result from the contiguity of mutual territories so extensive the benefit of the larger market which the increasing prosperity of Canada would create, are considerations which, in the minds of many of her ablest statesmen, render our incorporation with the United States a desirable consummation.

To the United States also the annexation of Canada presents many important inducements. The withdrawal from the borders of so powerful a nation, by whom in time of war the immense and growing commerce of the Lakes would be jeopardized-the ability to dispense with the costly but ineffectual revenue establishment over a frontier of many hundred miles the large accession to their income from our Customs-the unrestricted use of the St. Lawrence, the natural highway from the Western States to the ocean, are objects for the attainment of which the most substantial equivalents would undoubtedly be conceded.

FELLOW COLONISTS: We have thus laid before you our views and convictions on a momentous question-involving a change, which, though contemplated by many of us with varied feelings and emotions, we all believe to be inevitable;-one which it is our duty to provide for, and lawfully to promote.

We address you without prejudice or partiality, in the spirit of sincerity and truth,— in the interest solely of our common country -and our single aim is its safety and welfare. If to your judgment and reason our object and ain be at this time deemed laudable and right, we ask an oblivion of past dissensions; and from all, without distinction of origin, party, or creed, that earnest and cordial cooperation in such lawful, prudent and judicious means as may best conduct us to our common destiny.


The low price of railroad iron at the present time is a theme of serious consideration. There is no article imported which bears the same relative proportion in consumption as this. For instance: one mile of track consumes eighty-five to ninety tons of iron. At the end of ten years on a good road, this ninety tons is replaced with new, and the old stock is ready for manufacture into another form, at a depreciation not to exceed thirty per cent., leaving sixty-three tons to be rolled

into bar and hoop iron, to be consumed by the farmers and mechanics of the country.

There are now in the United States over four thousand miles of railroad in operation; and, estimating the weight of iron per mile at eighty tons, we have the amount of three hundred and twenty thousand tons in actual


This, at a depreciaton annually of ten per cent., gives us thirty-two thousand tons, which goes into the channel above specified for consumption.

Suppose we continue this system for twenty years, what amount of iron consumed by the United States annually will be produced from this source?

It is usually supposed that old rails are easily converted into new ones, but such is not the case. New rails cannot be made with facility except from pig iron; consequently the already large and constantly increasing amount of this stock is thrown on the market.

Look at Vermont and New Hampshire. Carry out the building of all the roads now in the process of construction, and construct those which are chartered, and both of these States will have a full supply of iron (from this source) for all farming purposes.

The States upon the seaboard may derive a small benefit in being the carriers of this article, but they must compete with foreign carriers.

What is to be the effect of this trade upon

the iron mines of the west and south?

Uphold this system in its present form for twenty years, and you effectually transport a portion of the iron mines of England and Wales to this country, and distribute them in such a manner as to control the iron interests in all

its branches.

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The following is the speech of Mr. Clay,

delivered on the occasion of his recent visit to the examination of the students of the National Law School at Ballston Spa, N. Y. It is addressed to Mr. Fowler, the president of the institution:

MR. PRESIDENT: Were I to give a full expression of the feelings with which the scenes of this day have inspired me, it might seem too much like the language of extravagant flattery. For, although the enterprise in which you are engaged has been long and favorably known to me, I have never until now understood the nature of your system

dents with almost every branch of the legal science their prompt replies to the most difficult questions, which, at your request, I had the honor of addressing to them, and the ease, fluency, and power with which they delivered their extempore speeches, and engaged in the trial and summing up of their cause, have both delighted and surprised me. Can it be, sir, that the case that has just been triedthat the minutely detailed stores of the witnesses drawn out by the rigid interrogations of the young counsellors, and their solemn appeal to the jury, are all, all fiction? Am I in a seminary of learning or in a court-room, surrounded by the mature realities of professional life? It is the practical part of this system that strikes me with the greatest force. If you go on, young gentlemen, in the course you are now pursuing, you may take a high stand in your profession. Constant, persevering application will accomplish every thing. To this quality, if I may be allowed to speak of myself, more than to any thing else, do I owe the little success which I have attained. Left in early life to work my way alone, with no other than a common education, I saw that the pathway before me was long, steep and rugged, and that the height on which I had ventured to fix the eye of my ambition could only be reached by toil the most severe and a purpose the most indomitable. But shrinking from no labor, disheartened by no obstacle, I struggled on. No opportunity which the most watchful vigilance could secure, to exercise my powers, was permitted to pass by unimproved. And if I could have enjoyed the advantages which this institution is now conferring upon you, I should have entered upon my profession under far higher auspices and brighter hopes. But think not, young gentlemen, that your labor is to cease with your preparatory course. You are here, indeed, but to lay the superstructure to be reared hereafter. The profession you have chosen, more than all others, imposes upon its incumbents the necessity of constant and arduous exertion. To acquire a thorough knowledge of the great and complirious effort. But it is an honorable, a glocated science of law, demands a life of laborious pursuit. To search out truth, and to promote justice, is its great end. Truth is to be your aim, justice your guide, and the smiles of conscience, of God and of men, your ultimate--your high reward. Let these considerations govern you from this time forward, and with skill and discipline you may lay the foundation, and finally reap the reward of a high standing and destiny in life.


The recent ridiculous organizations in New

and its vastly superior advantages to the legal Orleans and New York for the invasion and student. The ready familiarity of your stu

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conquest of the Island of Cuba, have collapsed; the funds are squandered or pocketed; the financiers dispersed; Round Island is evacuated; the war steamers sent down to watch it are withdrawn; and the panic-like the Poussin panic-has turned out a farce.


The Turkish government having refused to give up the Hungarian refugees to the Russian government, a war between Turkey and Russia seems inevitable. Pending the issue of the question between these two countries, it is judged, from the strong amity which exists between the French and English cabinets, that a powerful French and English squadron will be ordered into the Mediterranean to meet the emergency.

"The Journal des Debats of Thursday, Oct. 4, says: We are glad to learn that England and France are most cordially united in their determination to support their Ambassadors in the advice given by them to the Porte respecting the extradition of the Hungarian refugees, and a note has been drawn up by these two powers of a most energetic character, which, it is thought, will have considerable weight with the Emperors of Russia and Austria, to whom it is to be presented. The firm language of the London papers, with reference to this question, is noticed with great satisfaction by the Journal des Debats.

"Gen. Lamoriciere's mission to Russia has proved a complete failure. He has left St. Petersburg on his return to Paris without being permitted to present his credentials to the Czar as the Ambassador of the French Republic. Gen. Lamoriciere, therefore, returns to France without having an opportunity of speaking one word to the Emperor on political matters, and the only memorial he will bring back of his mission is the recollection of sundry reviews and the splendid suit of Circassian armor presented to him by Nicholas immediately after his arrival at the Imperial headquarters. "By far the most important political news by this arrival is the possible and even probable rupture of Russia and Austria with Turkey. It forms the chief topic of discussion in the English and French journals, as well as among all classes, and in its paramount importance, the Roman difficulty as well as all other matters of national importance, appears to have been almost wholly lost sight of. The most recent accounts from Constantinople state that the Emperor of Russia has made a formal demand, through a special envoy to the Porte, for the surrender of Kossuth, Bem, and other patriots who played a prominent part in the late Hungarian struggle, who have sought refuge at Widden, on the Danube, in the territories of the Sultan. The Turkish government, with a manliness which cannot be too highly

commended, refused to be bullied into a compromise of its independence, and Prince Radzivil, after having ineffectively endeavored to urge the Sultan into a compliance with his demands, has taken an abrupt departure from Constantinople, and Count Titoff, the Russian Minister, has closed all diplomatic relations with the Porte. England and France, through their respective representatives, have prevailed with the Sultan in keeping him firm to his first resolution. Already in England and France cabinet councils have been held to consider these grave circumstances. Not the slightest doubt can be entertained of the result. Should Russia persist in demanding the surrender of these devoted men, a European war is thought to be inevitable."-Tribune.

Opinions on California.

The Times devotes several leading articles to the state of affairs in California. One of them opens thus:

"There is at this moment two great waves of population following the setting sun over this globe. The one is that mighty tide of human beings which, this year beyond all parallel, is flowing from Ireland, Great Britain, Germany, and some other parts of Europe, in one compact and unbroken stream to the United States. The other, which may be almost described as urged on by the former, is that which, by many different ways, is forcing itself across the New World to California. Of these the latter is by far the most broken and frustrated. To cross the Atlantic is now as easy and safe as 400 years ago it was to cross the British Channel; and when the dire stimulus of hunger has once urged the peasant to cut the tie of home, it costs him scarcely an effort of body or of mind to be passed on from shore to shore, from deck to quay, from station to station, till he finds himself grading a railway or excavating a canal in the heart of North America.

"It is far otherwise with the crowd whom that furious impulse, auri sacri fames, is attracting from comfortable homes to an almost desert shore. There is no kind of hardship and peril which they have not to undergo, and which they do not endure cheerfully for gold's sake. Immense voyages, tropical suns, stormy capes, pestilential ports, interminable deserts, savage tribes, rocky mountains, winter snows, famine, cholera, and panic despair, are some of the alternatives from which they have to choose."

The Times then traces each route, stating no facts, however, not already known in this country.

Another article notices the newspapers which have been established in San Francisco, commencing thus:

"Before us lies a real California newspaper,

basis of arrangement between Austria and Prussia, relative to the new Central Government of Germany:

1. There shall be established between the German Governments, in accordance with the administrators of the empire, a new ad interim Central Government, which shall be exercised by Austria and Prussia to the 1st of May, 1850.

with all its politics, paragraphs and advertise-berg Correspondent, gives the subjoined as the ments, printed and published at San Francisco, on the 14th of last June. In a literary or professional point of view, there is nothing very remarkable in this production. Journalism is a science so intuitively comprehended by American citizens, that their most rudimentary efforts in this line are sure to be tolerably successful. Newspapers are to them what theatres and cafes are to Frenchmen. In the Mexican war the occupation of each successive town by the invading army was signalized by the immediate establishment of a weekly journal, and of a "bar" for retailing those spirituous compounds known by the generic denomination of "American drinks." The same fashions have been adopted in California, and the opinions of the American portion of that strange population are already represented by journals of more than average ability and intelligence.

Austrian Loan---Letter of Mr. Cobden. MY DEAR SIR-I have this moment read, in a London paper, the prospectus for a new loan issued by the Austrian Government. Now, this is the time for the friends of peace and disarmament to raise their voices in condemnation and exposure to the system by which Austria and the other powers maintain their enormous armies, and carry war and destruction, not only into their own provinces, but into the territories of their neighbors. A public meeting should be immediately called in London to denounce this attempt to levy upon the earnings of peaceful industry the means of paying Haynau and his Croats for their butcheries in Brescia, and their atrocities in Hungary. There is not a friend or admirer of the oppressed and slandered Magyars or Italians who will not press forward to swell the chorus of execration at this audacious proposal to borrow from the European public the money with which to pay the price of successful violence and injustice. It is a matter upon which every man is called upon to express his opinion; for all of us are, by the terms of the prospectus, invited to subscribe for the loan. Is there a Jew in London who will not be eager to attend such a meeting to repudiate all connection with the projected loan, and to denounce the authors of those atrocities against his co-religionists at BudaPesth-atrocities in which Haynau has surpassed everything that has occurred since the persecutions of the middle ages? I will be in town on Thursday next to meet a Committee of the Friends of Peace, and if it be decided to hold a meeting, I shall be there to take a part in it. And believe me, faithfully




The Cologne Gazette, quoting the Nurem

2. The object of this is to maintain the German Confederation as the indissoluble union of all the German States.

3. During the interim, the affair of the Constitution of Germany is left to the free arrangement of the States.

4. If at the expiration of the interim nothing be done, an understanding shall be come to with respect to the Constitution of the new Central Government.

5. A Commission of the Empire, composed of four members, two of whom shall be nominated by Austria, and two by Prussia, shall direct, under the presidency of Austria (which presidency, however, shall only be an affair of etiquette,) the affairs which were attributed to the Special Council of the old Diet; the other Governments of the Confederation shall send Plenipotentiaries to the Commission.

6. The Commission of the Empire shall only be responsible to those by whom it is nominated.

7. As soon as the Governments shall have given their assent to the preceding proposition, the administration of the Empire shall deposit its dignity and powers in the hands of the Emperor of Austria and the King of Prussia.

Other accounts, however, say that the negotiations between Austria and Prussia have not yet assumed any definite form.

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alienated the people from its leaders; the country would now demand repose at any price. I found myself deceived-the rebellion in Hungary is only suppressed externally; it lives with so much the more intensity in the hearts of the people. If the causes of this hostility are demanded, I will name two as the principal: The depreciation and destruction of Kossuth's notes, by which thousands of families are literally brought to beggary, and the degradation of Hungarian officers to the ranks. In the last regulation, the people see not an act of retributive justice-not a measure of political necessity, but a useless effort of vengeance designed for the humiliation of the nation. What makes the matter more serious is the fact that many belonging to the party of the so-called old Conservatives feel themselves involved in this disgrace inflicted on their country, and that they who have hitherto been regarded as the prop of the Government, have become estranged from it and will now make cause with the radical party, which has thus gained fresh strength.

The question of the new organization of Hungary occupies the entire attention of the Austrian Cabinet. So far as the designs of that body can be understood, the principles embodied in the Constitution of March 4 will be rigidly applied to Hungary, and no exception will be admitted to the centralization of the Empire. The Hungarian Constitution, which has existed so many centuries, will thus be annulled, and the dependencies of Hungary, namely, Croatia, Slavonia, Transylvania and the Voyvodina will form separate provinces. It is note-worthy that this organization of the Empire will render out of the question an union of the German provinces of Austria with the remainder of Germany.

We have nothing definite as to the fate of the Hungarian fugitives in Turkey, and especially with reference to the leaders all is uncertain. The number of these refugees is reckoned at five thousand.

According to letters from Hungary, the revolution is only apparently suppressed, and a bitter hatred of the Austrians influences every mind. Even those who have hitherto been of a different way of thinking, now have this feeling. This is not surprising in view of the impolitic course of Austria towards the conquered country. Had the conquerors desired to render their possession of the vanquished country as precarious and difficult as possible, they could not have chosen a surer means than they already have in operation.

Important from Turkey.

M. L.

The Emperor of Russia employs no argument in Court for his demand for the delivery of the Polish and Hungarian Refugees now at Widden, but says in his letters that he will consider the escape of one of them as casus belli. If the Sultan did not give a simple yes

or no to his Aid-de-Camp, he threatened to return to Warsaw. The Sultan persists in his resolution, and is backed by the Foreign Ministers, the Grand Vizier, the Seraskier, and Mahomet Ali Pacha, and Mahomet Pacha Ali, but the great majority of the council are alarmed at the threatening tone of the Czar's note, and consequently no official announcement of the council's decision had been made. There is reason to believe that the Turkish government, urged on by the English and French Envoys, will reject the demand.

It is supposed that the Emperor of Russia will put his threats of war into execution should the answer be negative. Although nearly the whole of the Turkish fleet is in the Golden Horn, quite ready for service, and could defend the entrance of the Bosphorus, yet the Turkish army bears no proportion to the forces the Emperor could march against the Turkish frontiers in a few days. Sixty thousand Turkish troops are concentrated round Constantinople, but the English fleet could not reach the Golden Horn sooner than fifteen or seventeen days. A Russian fleet could be in the Bosphorus within twenty-four hours.

The greatest anxiety prevails amongst all classes; the great majority are opposed to war as destructive to commerce and industry.

British subjects are among the refugees confined in Widden-General Guyon, General Longworth, and General O'Donnel.

Private letters confirm the report of the Sultan's decision not to deliver up the Hungarian refugees, and it is stated on the best authority, that considerable uneasiness prevailed in diplomatic circles, as to the ultimate consequences of this resolution.

The Russian Empire.

The Emperor of Russia has returned to St. Petersburg, and his troops are gradually withdrawing within the Russian frontiers.

The Caucasian Gazette informs us that the Russians have attacked the well defended fortress of Achulga, the seat of Shamyl. As soon as the first attack of the Russians on the bastion Surchajeff, had been repulsed by the Circassians, the Russians commenced a fresh attack, and after a bloody contest, stormed this nest of the Miurydes, that forms the key of the enemy's position. The Russians lost in dead and wounded, 25 officers and 307 men. On July 27, a general attack was made on the fortress of Achulga itself. The Circassians were every where repulsed. The Russians lost, on this day, in dead and wounded, 52 officers and 823 soldiers. A second attack was put off to the following day. This is a Rus

sian account.

The diplomatic conferences in Warsaw are ended; a part of the statesmen there assembled, have followed the Emperor to St. Petersburg; while, on the other hand, the Austrian and Prussian Ambassadors, their mission being ended, have returned to their respective courts.

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