THE WISCONSIN DEMOCRACY'S LOVE FOR THE IRISH

"Veritas nihil veretur, nisi abscondi"

[September 5, 1846]

MESSRS. EDITORS: Aware of the courtesy with which you treat even those who differ with you in political opinion, I take the liberty of soliciting a place in the columns of your widely circulated paper for the following facts in relation to the conduct of the self-styled leaders of the Democracy of Wisconsin towards that portion of the adopted citizens for whom they profess so much friendship. I mean the natives of the "Emerald Isle. I will commence with Racine County.

At the Democratic caucus held for the town of Southport in the spring of 1844, three Irishmen, namely Quigley, Harkins, and Callaghan were nominated for township officers, but on counting the votes on the day of election it was found that the names of those three persons, although of unexceptionable character and qualifications, were erased from forty-seven of the fifty-five Democratic tickets polled on that occasion. This circumstance created quite an indignant feeling amongst the Irish generally, but their ire was assuaged by a solemn promise gratuitously made by the officehunting demagogues, that one of their countrymen should be nominated at the county convention during the ensuing autumn for a seat in the legislature. The autumn arrived, the convention assembled at Kellogg's Corners but there was not a single Irish delegate present, nor was any Irishman nominated for office. The most remarkable and bare-faced fraud in the affair was that the Irish were excluded from the caucuses held in townships where they actually formed the majority by a trick of the conjuring clique which enabled them to hold secret caucuses in houses remote from the actual places of holding town meetings. In the township of

Brighton, for instance, a large number of the Irish had assembled on the day of the caucus at the house of Mr. Ward, where the caucuses had been held for several years, and they were there informed by one of the dictators that no caucus was to be held for that township and consequently returned to their homes, while their informant repaired to the residence of a Mr. Coffin, in a remote portion of the township, three miles distant from the nearest Irish settler, and there, with three other conspirators held a secret caucus at which one of these political swindlers elected the other three as delegates to the county convention. So much for the Humbug convention of Racine in 1844, when the Irish population of that county numbered over 3,400 souls or nearly 600 families-all of whom were Democrats and amongst whom were the proprietors, cultivators, taxpayers, and actual settlers of about 72,000 acres of land.

At the Democratic election in Milwaukee held about the same time, Mr. John White, the regularly nominated candidate for sheriff and the only Irishman named on the ticket was defeated by some 300 Democratic votes.

At the Iowa County election last autumn Mr. Dennis Murphy, an Irishman and one of the oldest, most intelligent, and most wealthy citizens of that county, and one of the regular nominees of the Democratic convention for the house of representatives was rejected on the day of the election.

During the recent Democratic conventions it is a remarkable fact that neither Dane, Walworth, Jefferson, Dodge, Iowa, Grant, Brown, Portage, Columbia, Rock, Green, Calumet, Richland, Marquette, Crawford, St. Croix, Sheboygan, nor Manitowoc counties (all of Wisconsin Territory, except Racine, Milwaukee, Washington counties) have nominated a single Irishman-although all, with the exception of Rock, are decidely Democratic. Nor has there been a single native of the Green Isle nominated for an office from any of the five wards embraced within the limits of the beautiful city of Milwaukee.

Mr. Ryan is among the nominees for Racine County. He is decidedly the principal lawyer in that county and the knowledge of this fact may have contributed to secure his nomination, yet I assure you he can hardly be considered as an Irishman as he never identified himself with them since he came to our territory. Indeed, I will venture to say that one-fourth of the population of Racine County are ignorant as to the country of his birth.

I learn that in the Irish townships in Washington and Milwaukee counties a few nominations have been made from amongst the Irish, but I am under the impression that those nominations will not be sustained in the ballot box on Monday next.

Time will tell, however, and I feel confident that the Irish citizens, when they discover the game, will not suffer the clique to impose upon them any longer.

Yours respectfully,

A consistent Democrat,

SEMPER PARATUS.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION

[September 22, 1846]

The convention to which has been entrusted the task of preparing a constitution for Wisconsin is to assemble at Madison on the first Monday in October, a fortnight from yesterday. The duty with which they have been charged, although an important and responsible one, may be easily accomplished within four weeks from the time of meeting. Having the constitutions of all the other states in the confederacy to guide and direct them, the labors of our convention will be limited to the work of comparing these together and selecting from each such provisions as may seem best adapted to our wants and most congenial to our habits and opinions. There is no reason why several months should be wasted in unprofitable debate, as in the convention now sit

ting at Albany; nor why, as in the recent instance of Missouri, so obnoxious a constitution should be framed as to be rejected almost unanimously by the people. Both these errors may easily be avoided by the delegates-elect, if they will carry with them to Madison the simple and single purpose of making a constitution for the people and not for a particular party, and of being governed in all their acts and deliberations by an honest desire to secure private rights and to promote the public welfare. If they will give us a constitution, with few and plain provisions, simple and efficient in its machinery, equal in its requirements as in its benefits, and thoroughly republican in its letter and spirit, there can be little doubt that the people will approve the result of their labors.

We anticipate no great difference of opinion, save on two points only-the judiciary and the subject of currency. We assume that single districts will be established for the election of members of the legislature, for the obvious reason that this is the fairest, the simplest, and the only democratic mode of apportionment. We assume, too, that the right of suffrage will be freely, as rightfully, conferred upon every male inhabitant in the territory who has attained the age of twenty-one years and has lived here long enough to acquire a residence and entitle him to the rights and privileges of citizenship. We assume, further, that it will be made the duty of the legislature to provide for the education of every child within the limits of the future state of Wisconsin, so that all who will can come and drink at the fountain of knowledge without money and without price. Upon all these points the great mass of our people are of one mind and thus far, at least, the convention will have a plain duty to discharge.

We have said that we anticipate difference of opinion on the subject of the judiciary. The system, we suppose, will not and need not be greatly altered from that which is at present in use in our territory. But as to the mode of selecting the judges: Shall they be appointed by the governor,

chosen by the legislature, or selected by the people? Which of these three modes will the convention adopt? It is very easy to see which of the three is the worst, viz: the appointment by the legislature; for that opens the door and holds out the temptation to all sorts of logrolling, caucusing, and corruption. Let us, at least, have no judges chosen by the legislature. But it is not, perhaps, so easy to say which is the best. In theory, no doubt, the selection of judges by an upright and intelligent executive, with the advice and consent of an honest senate, offers advantages which no other mode of appointment holds out. Could we reasonably promise ourselves that the future governors of Wisconsin, of whatever political party, would always, in the selection of judges, give the preference to private worth, conceded talent, and extensive acquirements, we should not hesitate to declare ourselves in favor of conferring the appointing power upon the governor and senate. But what has been in the other states, will be in Wisconsin. We have no right to assume that our governors will be any better men than those of Pennsylvania or New York. The influences which have always controlled executive appointments at the East will be equally potential at the West. If, then, we are to have judges appointed by the governor, we may rest assured that, as a general rule, they will be such as party conventions may recommend, or party leaders agree upon, or party interests and advantage seem to require. Heaven preserve Wisconsin from a judiciary so chosen!

There is another consideration which naturally presents itself in this connection. Suppose that the selection of judges should be left to the executive-how much power and patronage this arrangement would confer upon the first governor of the new state! If a weak man, he would be apt to appoint incompetent judges; if wicked, he might inflict upon us corrupt judges; if a designing man, he would doubtless select such as would be most devoted to his personal interests and advancement; even if a good man, he could