HINTS TO OUR DELEGATES-No. 1

[September 9, 1846]

There is a story of an eastern monarch who was always ready to hear advice from his subjects upon any matter of public policy or state government; but the adviser, previous to opening his budget, had to agree to one condition, and the King, previous to being enlightened, was graciously pleased to agree to another. The volunteer cabinet counsellor was placed standing upon an ingot of gold, and if his advice was good (that is agreeable), he was rewarded with the precious footstool; if otherwise, he not only obtained no reward, but had also to undergo some dreadful punishment for his presumption.

Thanks to the benign spirit of democracy, if their majesties, the people, do not always reward with gold their volunteer advisors, they never punish them-except by neglect.

In talking to, or at, our delegate, I do not think it at all necessary to "hint" anything whatever with respect to our being allowed to enjoy civil and religious liberty in the fullest and most comprehensive sense of the terms.

No delegation that could by any possibility be elected in Wisconsan (we spell our own way) would think of depriving us of any more of our natural liberty than is absolutely necessary to bind us to the observance of the social compact.

We no more expect to hear of their abolishing our right to trial by jury, to the writ of Habeas Corpus, to assemble peaceably and petition for redress of grievances, to keep and bear arms, and the other fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution of the United States, than of their abolishing our right to live and breathe and have our being. Nor do we expect to hear of the establishment or endowment of any religion, or of any restriction of the free exercise of any mode of religious worship, any more than we look for the suppression of moonshine and the establishment of perpetual sunlight.

But if our delegates stand in need of no "hints" about what they won't do, a few on some of the things they shall do may not be altogether unseasonable.

We will have a legislature; and it is also taken for granted that it will be composed of two distinct and independent houses or chambers.

Let us call the lower house or chamber, the "chamber of deputies," and the upper, the "senate," both chambers-or the legislative department-let us call the "State Assembly."

How many members shall compose the "chamber of deputies?"

The act of establishing our territorial government gave us a lower house, composed of twenty-six members, a number sufficiently large for the then population of the territory.

We are now upwards of 150,000, and although it would not be for our interests to have a very numerous chamber of deputies, yet to be fairly represented our deputies ought to number more than twenty-six.

When sufficient knowledge of the wants and wishes of the citizens in every part of the state is concentrated the end. of representation is attained; and aside from the expense, it would be impolitic to send men to the legislature who could not impart any additional information of the legiti mate subjects-the wants and wishes of their constituents.

To allow a deputy to every certain number of inhabitants would not be well, because the constitution of our state should be so formed as not to need amending or altering for ages, and if every certain number of inhabitants be represented by a deputy, and our state continues to increase in population as it inevitably shall either the "certain number" must be increased or the number of deputies will soon be too large for profitable debate, or for convenience and dispatch of business.

Let our constitution say that the chamber of deputies shall be composed of forty members, that to each county shall be apportioned a number of deputies commensurate

with its population, and that [to] every organized county shall be apportioned at least one deputy. That when the state shall contain a population of half a million, the number of deputies shall be fifty; that when the population shall be one million, the number of deputies shall be sixty; when one million and a half, seventy, and so on increasing ten for every half million of increase in population, until the number of deputies shall be two hundred; beyond which the number shall not be increased.

Let the deputies be elected to hold office for four years, or two regular sessions of the State Assembly (it being understood that the regular sessions shall be biennial).

When assembled for the first time let them be divided into two classes, one of which shall retain their seats but for two years, or one regular session; so that at all subsequent sessions at least one-half of the deputies shall have the experience of at least one session.

Let the senate be composed of twenty senators. Let them be apportioned among the several counties according to population, in the same manner as the deputies, or to districts, when one county is not sufficiently populated to be entitled to a senator, and let the apportioning and districting be made at least once every ten years, as soon as may be after the rendering of the decennial census returns, and in such manner as the State Assembly shall by law direct.

When the state shall contain a population of half a million, let the number of senators be twenty-two, when a million, twenty-four, and so on increasing two senators for every half a million of increase in population until the number of senators shall be fifty, beyond which the number should not be increased.

Let the senators be elected to hold office for six years, or for three regular sessions, and when first assembled let them be divided into three classes, the first to keep their seats during the full term, the second to vacate their seats at the end of the fourth year, and the third to vacate their seats at the end of the second year, so that at all subsequent

sessions there may be senators of one or two sessions' experience in the senate.

Let the compensation of senators and deputies be one hundred dollars for their attendance at each session of the State Assembly, regular or special, and two dollars per day for every day they shall be actually engaged in public business or the duties of their respective chambers. Their travelling compensation should be ten cents per mile and no more.

Every citizen of the state should be eligible for the senate or chamber of deputies, and a "citizen of the state of Wisconsan" I would define thus: A free, white man, of full age, and sound mind, who is a citizen of the United States, or has had his declarations of intentions to become a citizen filed at least one year, and who has resided within the state for six months."

I am aware that the word white will be regarded as a black spot by many worthy and respectable citizens, and it is to be wished-"devoutly to be wished"-that it could be dispensed with. I believe it is nothing more than justicenothing more than common right-for the African and his descendants to have the same measure of political liberty as the European and his descendants. It is clear, however, that if the state of Wisconsin confers privileges upon the negro which he does not enjoy in any other of the free states of the Union, we shall have an influx of "colored population," and I would ask any philosophical man or political economist if such a population is desirable.

It is true [that] during the last session of the territorial legislature an honorable member drew a very enlightened comparison between the negroes and the Norwegians, in which I believe the former had the best of it, but I believe the gentleman proved nothing more than that he was not in his proper place.

Although the peasantry of the north of Europe (in fact of all Europe) are comparatively rude and uneducated, yet have they not the capacity-are not their intellectual and moral capabilities as great as those of their more fortune

favored countrymen, among whom are to be found "the masters" in every art and every science, and are not the immediate descendants of European peasants among the first men in the land?

The Celtic, the Teutonic, the Scandinavian, and all the minor branches of the great Caucasian race, though differing in language, religion, and manners, yet readily amalgamate. The blending of these different races-or rather portions of a race--has formed, and is forming, the great American people. The negro never has been, and never can be, united with them; and if the judgment or feelings, or taste, or (if you will) prejudices of our people did not present an inseparable barrier, it would be the soundest public policy to prevent such a consummation by legislative enactment.

The efforts of the patriot should be directed to improve his countrymen-physically, intellectually, and morally as well as politically, and he should never think of introducing among them an inferior race.

The Africans and their descendants are an inferior race. This is not mere assertion. It is a demonstrated physiological fact. Give them the same advantages you give to Europeans and their descendants, and although they are certain to advance considerably, they are just as certain to remain in the rear. No change in their political condition can emancipate them from the disabilities which it has pleased the God of nature to impose upon them-the Ethiopian cannot change his skin.

The "colored population" of our territory is small. It should be the care of our delegates not to give a constitutional invitation that would make it larger; for it is obviously impolitic to encourage in the same country the growth of two distinct races, who by no possibility can ever amalga mate.

But enough for the present. Next week (if permitted) a few more "hints" may be given.

ORMOND.