STATE GOVERNMENT-No. 1

[March 28, 1846]

On the first Tuesday of April next the people of the territory will have an opportunity, under the law of the last session of the legislative assembly, to vote upon the question of the formation of a state government.

This is no new question to our people: on two several occasions have they voted in opposition to any change in our present territorial government. At those times, and under the then circumstances of the territory their decision was doubtless a proper one. With a then comparatively sparsely settled country, with scarcely a sufficient population upon which, under "the original compact," they could have of right demanded to have been received into the sisterhood of states, common prudence sanctions their then disapproval of any change of government.

But now, how altered is the whole complexion of this question. Those best conversant with the improvement of the territory and its increase in population estimate our present numbers at at least 130,000, while many others contend that at least a score of thousands should be added to the above estimate. If, however, we have but 120,000 (double that upon which under the compact we are entitled to our admission), and are not now competent to assume the reins of self-government, when may we hope to be ready? Shall we beg and whine forever for the pittance that Congress so grudgingly bestows us? Shall we as a people or as individuals sacrifice our pride and sell our political birthright for the pottage of a paltry "appropriation," especially when we would receive of right an equal amount under a state government, what we now sue for as a boon from the hands. of the general government?

We are one of those who believe that the people would now be gainers by the change, whether viewed as a question of self-pride and popular independence or of state profit.

And first as to our pride or independence as a people. There are some questions that strike our mind with such convincing power, that are so settled as political truths in the heart of every Republican, that to attempt to discuss them seems to be at variance with our very natures. In our country we all hold that an independent self-government is the first great cause of our political happiness. We all believe that the popular will is, and of right should be, the supreme governing voice of the state or nation. If these great truths are, as we feel them to be, sound political axioms need we attempt to argue to any freeman that his would be a more independent sphere of action where his voice with that of a majority of his fellows would be supreme? Under a properly organized state constitution every man can vote for the candidates of his choice, whether for the humblest official or the chief magistracy of the Republic, and we cannot conceive how any freeman who has a proper conception of the worth of liberty can refrain from grasping for this inestimable privilege when within his reach even though it were unattended with other political blessings almost as invaluable.

'Twas for such rights as these that our forefathers bled. They would not exchange their liberties for gold, else they might have saved their treasure and more sacred blood by yielding tamely to the encroachments of power and remaining craven dependants on another's will, without a voice in the election of those who were to govern them.

No one can but admit that the desired change would extend our liberties and advance our rights as republicans. The sister states are inviting us into the family fold-they would extend us seats in the great council of the nation. They would arouse our patriotism by pointing us to the less feeble states of Florida and Texas, and ask us to emulate their examples of independence. The flag of our nation's glory waits to enshrine another star upon its ample folds. The right to be heard in the national legislature will be ours, and of expressing our wishes and views through our senators and representatives upon the great questions that now

divide the great political parties of the day. The right of uniting with millions of freemen in elevating the candidates of our choice to the highest offices in the gift of a free people-the highest of all earthly honors-these and all other political liberties will be extended us as the common right by inheritance of the whole American people, and we cannot believe that these great boons will be rejected by men desirous as they should be of extending their privileges.

But, says the timid and overprudent man, consider the expense and cost, and endeavors to raise the bugbear of taxation in opposition to the generous impulses of the people which would translate us from our present state of political dependency to our proper sovereignty as a free commonwealth. Fortunately, however, this sordid objection is not a correct one. Upon our uniting ourselves with the confederacy we will receive as our marriage portion half a million acres of land, worth at least at the government price $625,000. This amount and the interest thereupon annually arising in the shape of the improved value upon the first cost of the land may be disposed of in any manner that the future state of Wisconsin may determine to be most beneficial to its best interests; and this sum alone, if properly guarded, should of itself be sufficient to defray all our necessary state expenses. Nor is this our only source of revenue. Under the present law of Congress the new states receive a percentage of five per centum upon all moneys received by the general government from the sale of lands within the boundaries of said new states. The sales of public lands during the last year at the several land offices amounted to nearly a half a million of dollars, and we all know that the amount is steadily increasing. During the next year the mineral lands will probably be thrown into market, and we have no question that the sales for this present year will amount to $600,000, five per centum upon which will yield us the sum of $30,000. The whole amount appropriated by Congress to defray the expenses of the legislative assembly, the executive department, judiciary, and expenses of courts for the past

year did not exceed, all told, the sum of $32,000: so that the sum that we would receive from the sales of the public lands for the next year will equal all the appropriations made us by the general government for the past year. As this source of revenue squares the account of congressional appropriations every other inducement will be necessarily so much clear gain to the state. Shall we, then, remain forever as suppliants for bare favor at the public crib, when our own garners can be made full to overflowing? And first among the profits we may place the grant of 500,000 acres of land, and to make this valuable it is necessary that the lands be settled at the earliest possible date. In a few years all the best lands in Wisconsin will have been sold and we then will be compelled to take the refuse that has been left by the settlers as worthless. Again, if we defer state government, the percentage which we could now receive and which would be now enough of itself almost to pay all our expenses will be very much lessened; if we defer making the change of government till nearly all the lands are sold, of course our percentage upon the remainder must be very trifling. Does not common prudence dictate that we should endeavor to receive the percentage while it is worth our consideration, and not defer it until the whole of this source of profit is clean gone from us forever?

Under a state organization, our university and school lands will become vested in the people of the state; these lands can then be sold and the proceeds appropriated to the great cause of education. The organization of our courts will be amended, the uncertain laws of the territory will be revised and rendered more stable and secure. A strict accountability from public officers will be required, and the will of the people be the great governing voice-a more healthy action in the tone of popular feeling will everywhere be manifest. The people will then feel that they can exercise their rightful prerogatives without any restriction. They will think and act more for themselves. They will not permit their popular sovereignty to be delegated to others

who now, because dressed "in a little brief authority” arrogate to themselves the authority of being thinkers for the people, and "the tongues o' the common mouth." To us such considerations are more weighty than gold. But if perchance our revenue will not equal our expenses, and we are compelled to raise ten or fifteen thousands of dollars to meet the balance-truly we may say, "What is that among so many?" Our numbers are daily increasing with such unexampled rapidity that in a year or so the number among whom the tax should be divided would be increased fifty per cent while the expenses of the government would not be in any manner whatever enlarged. Present this question as we may, view it in whatever aspect we will, the question seems to us free from any sound objection. Congress will doubtless pass the bill providing for the payment of the expenses of the convention before their adjournment, and if they should absolutely refuse to make the appropriation now, we may be satisfied that they will never alter their minds upon this subject. So that if any citizen objects to state government on account of the expense of the convention, it is an objection that will forever exist, for there never was a time when our chance for the passage of the act of appropriation is [was] as good as it now is and we do not believe it will ever be any better. So that if our present delegate should fail no one will press the subject upon any future Congress with any hope of success. Congress will not probably adjourn until June or July, and we feel satisfied from the great anxiety of the northern states for our admission that they will readily agree to the bill that has been introduced into the House.

We have extended this article beyond what we had intended but as action upon the subject is so near at hand, we know of no one subject that ought to interest our readers more.