riods, it is not perhaps quite certain that all remedial measures are not too late. I will not express a strong fear that such is the case; on the contrary, I will express a strong hope that such is not the case. It may be that some would say, "For never can true reconcilement grow Where wounds of deadly hate have pierced so deep; " but as generation after generation passes, governed by a monarchy kindly, liberal, beneficent like ours, legislated for by a Parliament anxious to do justice to all the people under its sway, I will not doubt, I will believe, that whatever may be the passion, whatever the frenzy in the minds of the Irish people, whatever the gloom that now rests upon that country, all this may pass away, and that the time may come, and come soon, when in Ireland it shall be felt as much as it is felt in England, that, with all its faults, our Government does intend to do rightly by the Irish people. (Cheers) Therefore, looking on the session now drawing to a close, terrible as has been the work, long as have been the hours and the nights of its toil, often as we have been shocked by conduct in the House that has been distasteful and distracting to us, nevertheless I live in the hope that men will look back to the session of 1881, and will say that if we had the greatest of statesmen to guide our affairs, in that year was passed the greatest of measures in order to bring about tranquillity, peace, and union in the greatest empire on which the sun shines.' (Loud cheers.) The Land Bill having passed the Commons, its probable reception in the Lords caused much comment and excitement in the press and throughout the country. Their lordships, however, taking the statesmanlike view of the matter, did not reject the bill, but passed the second reading, and proceeded to discuss its provisions in Committee. At the instance of Lord Salisbury, the Conservative leader in the Upper House, and other peers, many amendments were made, and at one moment it appeared that the bill was in danger. The country began to manifest signs of agitation upon the subject, but the House of Commons having disagreed with the Lords' amendments, which were considered vital to the existence of the bill, the Lords gave way, and the Land Bill became law on the 23rd of August. Of this remarkable measure it may be said that its object is to give adequate security of possession to the Irish tenantry, at rents which are not excessive or unreasonable; and to give them also, by the free right of assignment or sale of their holdings, the value of improvements made by them, which have hitherto in too many cases been absorbed by the owners of the soil. It is hoped by the Government which framed, and the Parliament which has passed the Act, that the position of tenants will be made more secure, and that landlords will find in the increased security of their incomes a full compensation for any diminution of the powers or rights they have heretofore possessed. CHAPTER XVII. MR. BRIGHT'S ORATORY.-GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS. Personal Characteristics of Mr. Bright.-His Oratory.-Its Power and Quality.-Its Freshness, etc.-Comparison with Mr. Gladstone. Mr. Bright's Knowledge of Literature. His Humour.-Examples.-Recreations.Moral Characteristics.-His Courage and Earnestness.-Mr. Bright as an Agitator. The true Seer in English Politics.-His Career and its Objects. -The Friend of true Liberty.-Influence upon his Time.-Conclusion. We have now reached the close of our survey of Mr. Bright's career. Something still remains to be said, however, concerning the personal characteristics of this leader of the people; and our observations shall not pass beyond those fair and legitimate bounds which should be observed when men speak of those whose long services to their country have not touched their final limit. The substantial lifework of Mr. Bright has been achieved; on the 16th of November next he completes his seventieth year-according to the great Hebrew king the allotted span of human life; but, notwithstanding this, we will still hope that for many years to come he may be a living force amongst us, and a grace and an ornament to the British Senate. When the name of Mr. Bright is mentioned, one of our first reflections is occupied with his oratory. And in this respect, as regards its power and influence, there is but one other public man comparable with him, namely, Mr. Gladstone. All other Parliamentary speakers are at an immeasurable distance from these. It is not that in every respect Mr. Bright and Mr. Gladstone are superior to Lord Beaconsfield and some other of their contemporaries; they have doubtless been excelled in certain individual gifts and qualities, but in all those characteristics which combine to make the great orator, their superiority has been manifest. Mr. Bright, too, has been favoured by nature for the work he has had to do. Though not of imposing stature, his form and bearing are such as to create at once an impression in his favour. Robust in figure, and with a fine, genial, Saxon face, his very glance has been sufficient to fix his audience. Like Coleridge's Ancient Mariner, 'he holds us with his glittering eye;' and that eye, which is of a deep blue, can now flash with indignation, and now beam with the soft light of sympathy. His broad face, high, full forehead, and mobile mouth are all in keeping with the oratory which is so characteristic of him. His voice is-or was in its meridian strength-remarkably clear and of great compass, reaching a mass of fifteen thousand persons almost as easily as it could address itself to a hundred and fifty. The speech itself is always singularly clear and vivid, now rippling with humour, now impregnated with earnestness and pathos. As one critic has observed, his diction is drawn exclusively from the pure wells of English undefiled. Milton and the Bible are his unceasing study. There was a time when it was rare to find him without Paradise Lost in his hand or in his pocket. The use of Scriptural imagery is a marked feature of his orations, and no imagery can be more appropriately employed to illustrate his views; for Mr. Bright, in all his grand efforts, rises far above the loaded, unwholesome atmosphere of party politics into the purer air and brighter skies of patriotism and philanthropy. We may differ about his means or measures, but no one can differ about the aim, when he puts forth his strength to raise Ireland, or India, in the scale of civilization, to mitigate the evils of war, or to promote the spread of toleration and Christian charity throughout the world. Mr. Bright can speak extempore, and with much incisiveness on such occasions as witness one of his speeches during the Crimean war; but his finest efforts are prepared. In common with all the great ancient and modern orators, he devotes time and care to the preparation of his speeches on all those occasions when the subject is worthy of his powers; but the great charm of his oratory is that, although his matter is prepared, it is given with a freshness and warmth of colouring which make it appear spontaneous. He has much fancy and vivacity; and his universal sympathies invest his speeches with a wide and permanent claim upon the world's attention. As compared with Mr. Gladstone, who has all the treasures of classical lore at his command, he lacks comprehensiveness and variety in treatment. But those who are in the habit of assuming that Mr. Bright's knowledge of the literature of his own country is confined almost exclusively to Shakespeare and Milton-with of course a profound knowledge of the Bible-commit a grievous error. There is scarcely an English poet, or a writer of prose, with whose works he is not largely familiar; and he can draw at will and with facility from this great storehouse of intellectual wealth. For a generation back, the House of Commons always filled immediately when the news reached the lobbies that Mr. Bright was up.' He had always something to say, and in this respect he may be imitated with advantage by younger and more garrulous speakers. The great art of legislative oratory is to have something to say, and to know when to say it. Let these conditions be observed, and the House will speedily recognize its duty, and will listen. The simplicity of Mr. Bright's language is another point worthy of note: he has shown the mighty but neglected power of words of one syllable; and thus, while enlisting the attention of the most intellectual and the refined, he at the same time secures a still larger audience amongst the masses. It has been well remarked that his natural gifts have been both modified and expanded by study, and that in his eloquence he goes to the primary roots of things he gets hold of eternal principles. Facts occupy a subordinate position in his oratory; but they are always at command, and whenever they are used, they have the awkward merit for his opponents of being perfectly irrefragable. Mr. Bright is unquestionably a fine humourist. His humour is of that rich and mellow kind which pervades the pages of the quaint old writers. Lord Beaconsfield, when provoked, was a master of sarcasm; Lord Sherborne, when goaded by stupidity or what he regards as prejudice, can call into exercise a power which, like the lightning, has a withering and blasting influence; but neither of these statesmen, nor indeed any other public speaker of our time, with the exception perhaps of Mr. Spurgeon, has the same full, genial, and flowing humour. Take some examples of this. There have been few happier strokes of Parliamentary humour in our time than Mr. Bright's comparison between Lord Beaconsfield and the quack at the country fair, who sold pills which were good against earthquakes. To an observation that the ancestors of a particular gentleman had come over with the Conqueror, he replied that they never did anything else. Then there was the comparison of Mr. Lowe and Mr. Horsman to a Scotch terrier; the epithet of the Adullamites; and the description of Mr. Disraeli as the 'mystery man' of the Ministry. The reader will find the numerous speeches given in the course of this work prolific in examples of humour. As regards other personal characteristics, it may be mentioned that Mr. Bright is as earnest in his pleasures as he has been in his work. He is passionately fond of the country, and especially of the grand scenery with which the Scotch Highlands abound. He can, as is well known, throw a fly with any one, and wait with a patience as exemplary for the fish to rise. In his younger days he was a proficient swimmer; and as far as indoor recreations are concerned, he can play a more than creditable game at billiards. His love of humanity needs no insisting upon; but he has also a great affection for the animal creation-dogs being his special favourites. He has that devoutness so highly esteemed by the poet, which consists in loving all things both great and small. But we are more immediately concerned with his moral characteristics. Who can but admire his unswerving advocacy of the principles of individual and national justice, duty, and righteousness? The just have no fear; and his motto, "Be just, and fear not,' indicates the spirit in which he has always endeavoured to act. We may apply to him the words which Shakespeare makes Cominius utter respecting that noble Roman, Coriolanus:— 'It is held That valour is the chiefest virtue, and Even his enemies admire the moral courage of Mr. Bright; it is a valour that is both unmistakable and ennobling. It is his very devotion to the right which has led to the charge of intolerance being brought against him. But his intolerance is only the intolerance against wrong. He has a large and catholic nature, but he revolts against insincerity and buffoonery in politics. He thinks the right should be seen at once always, and is impatient when it is not perceived, or wilfully obscured. His sternness and intolerance are but those strong virtues which distinguish all reformers. The Puritans were stern, and in the eyes of the Cavaliers the most intolerant race upon the face of the earth; but they lived in stern times, and had stern work to do. So as regards Mr. Bright. When he began public life there were many abuses to be rectified, and that hydra-headed monster, Monopoly, required to be hurled down and destroyed. This was not work to be accomplished in kid gloves; it required men of earnest purpose, strong wills, and large hearts; and these were forthcoming in Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, and other leaders who fought by their side. It has further been charged against Mr. Bright that he has been an agitator. He admits the impeachment; for it is one into which no element of shame or regret can enter. Agitation has at certain periods in our history-even in the present cen |