tury-been absolutely necessary for the prosperity and the very safety of England. The agitators for slavery emancipation, Catholic emancipation, Free Trade, Reform, and other social and political measures affecting Great Britain and Ireland, did great and noble work. The agitator who divines the real instincts of a people, and judiciously guides their movements to fruition, is one who, call him by whatsoever name we will, is the world's benefactor. Such men perceive the dangers ahead, and are the true pilots in extremity.
The name of Mr. Bright has in certain circles been used as a name wherewith to alarm the timid, and to kindle their prejudices. It has been put forward as a bugbear to frighten people with. The charge is already beginning to excite the derision of those who dive beneath the surface of politics. If sagacity and foresight are titles to statesmanship, then is Mr. Bright a true statesman. For more than a generation he has been the true seer in English politics. He has nearly always been in the right. When we turn for a moment to the great questions of the last forty years-questions affecting Free Trade, India, Ireland, Russia, the American war, the Alabama arbitration, Parliamentary Reform, Church-rates, etc.,—and remember that in regard to them Mr. Bright has been in advance of his age,our attitude towards him must perforce be that of admiration and gratitude, not of criticism and censure. His political career has been one long struggle for the overthrow of fallacies and disabilities. So far from being a revolutionist, he claims to be a good Conservative. And in the sense that he is the true Conservative who amends in order to preserve, he is right. Mr. Bright has cut deep into the wounds of the body corporate in order to restore it to health. The commonwealth could only be saved by probing it to its innermost depths. This is the logical defence of Mr. Bright's Liberal yet truly Conservative policy.
The most substantial virtue of a country is in its great men; and if that be so, as we are assured, let us not withhold the honour that is due to them. Greatness in the political world may be independent of politics; it is so in Mr. Bright's case. With whatever side of the House of Commons he had been led to identify himself, he must have added one more illustrious name to the roll of that party. He has preferred morality and justice to all the peerages and all the dynasties that ever existed in the world. Yet although he has ever been the chosen favourite of the democracy, it has been from no unworthy pandering to the passions of the multitude. He has not scrupled to correct their errors, and has educated them in order to raise
them. Liberty, as Daniel Webster said, is not lawless. demands checks; it seeks for guards; it insists on securities; it entrenches itself behind strong defences, and fortifies itself with all possible care against the assaults and ambition of passion.' This is the liberty for which Mr. Bright has strivennot the liberty of license, as some have falsely alleged. He has exhibited a manly resistance to all forms of oppression and evil for conscience' sake; but at the same time he has never attempted to uproot the bonds of society; on the contrary, it has been one of his chief ends and desires to harmonize the various classes of his 'countrymen, not to throw society into disorder, disruption, and anarchy.
If we mistake not, the verdict of history upon Mr. Bright and his career will be such as to warrant our applying to him the words of Antony when speaking his valedictory words upon the great Cæsar :
'The elements
So mix'd in him, that Nature might stand up
And say to all the world, "This was a man!"
The social and political condition of England has been greatly changed since Mr. Bright entered upon public life; but notwithstanding all these radical reforms-may we not rather say in consequence of them ?-the public institutions of the country are more stable, more firmly rooted, than they have ever been; while the loyalty and affection of the people towards the Sovereign of these realms have suffered no diminution.
We cannot expect, perhaps, to retain long amongst us the great survivors of that noble band of reformers who have rendered the past two generations so distinguished in our political annals. When we look forward into the future, also, it is difficult to perceive those who, amongst the rising statesmen of the time, may be capable of wearing the armour of Achilles; but we console ourselves with the reflection that in all times of crisis England has found her master minds. The career of one such we have endeavoured to trace; and so long as virtue, courage, and patriotism retain their significance, so long will these noble qualities continue to be associated with the name of John Bright. He takes rank with the Pyms, the Hampdens, the Miltons, and other incorruptible great men of the past, who, in times of difficulty and of peril, have unswervingly fought the battle of freedom, and asserted the liberties of England.
Aberdeen, Earl of, Coalition Ministry of, i.
136; Resignation of, 235.
Absenteeism in Ireland, Mr. Bright's Pro-
posals for Abolishing, ii. 170.
Acland, Mr. T. D., Opposes Mr. Bright at
Birmingham, i. 300, 303: Failure of the
Coalition, 304.
Adderley, Mr., Opposes Inquiry into the
Discontent in Nova Scotia, ii. 223, 224.
Addison, quoted by Mr. Bright, ii. 176.
"Adullamites," so styled by Mr. Bright, ii.
122, 123.
Afghan War, Mr. Bright on, ii. 288.
Agricultural Hall, Islington, Reform Dem-
onstration at ii. 150.
Agricultural Labourers, Representative
Meeting of, at Exeter Hall, ií. 278.
Alabama Incident, Mr. Bright on, ii. 57, 68,
95; Claims, ii. 235.
Albert, Prince, Appeals for the Support of
the Ministry in the Crimean War, i.
Aldis, Rev. John, First Meeting of with
Mr. Bright, 1.9; Estimate of his Orator-
ical Power, 9; Gives him Friendly Ad-
vice, 9.
Althorp, Lord, Shelves the Corn Law Ques-
tion, i. 73, 74.
America, Mr. Bright Contrasts the Finan-
cial Condition of England with, i. 174,
242, 243; ii. 19; Contrast between, and
Europe, as to Sobriety, i. 291.
American War of Independence, Mr. Bright
Alludes to, i. 219; the Civil War, Com-
mencement of, ii. 49, 50; Threatened War
with England, 50, 51.
Annexation, Mr. Bright upon, ii. 294.
Anti-Corn-Law Association, Formation of,
in London, i. 76; at Manchester, 78, 79;
Organ of, 80, 81, 97, 102; Issues Reports
of Work Done, 106, 114; Purges the Elec-
toral Registers, 111, 112, 114; Noble Re-
sponses to Appeals of, for Financial Aid,
115, 116; Great Bazaar of, Opened, 117;
Results, 117; Dissolution of, 131, 133; Tem-
porary Revival of, 135.
Armitage, Mr. B., President of the Man-
chester Reform Club, ii. 243.
Ashley, Lord, his Amendment to the Gov-
ernment Factory Regulation Bill, i. 60;
Opposed by Mr. Bright, 60-62; Dramatic
and Personal Result, 62-63; Motion Fi-
nally Rejected, 64; Introduces the Ten
Hours' Bill, 164.
Ashton, Mr. Samuel, Immunity of his Fac-
tory from Fatal Accidents, i. 60.
Ashworth, Mr., his Tour with Messrs. Cob-
den and Bright, i. 102.
Atlantic Cable, Alluded to, by Mr. Bright,
ii. 135.
Austria, Position of in the Crimean War
Stated by Mr. Bright, i. 229, 241, 242.
Ayrton, Mr., on Her Majesty's Seclusion, ii.
148.
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Beaconsfield, Lord, at Aylesbury on the
Eastern Question, ii. 243; Attacked by
Mr. Bright for his War Policy, 254, 255,
256; Signs the Berlin Treaty, 256; Wan-
ing Popularity of his Government, 291;
its Dissolution, 291; his Manifesto, 291.
Belfast, Banquet at, in Honour of Mr.
Bright, i. 204.
Beresford-Hope, Mr., his View of Marriage
with a Deceased Wife's Sister, ii. 224;
Moves Rejection of the Burials Bill, 315.
Berkeley, Mr., his Motion for Adoption of
the Ballot, i. 188, 221, 283.
Berlin Treaty, Mr. Bright on, ii. 330.
Birmingham, Peace Congress at. i. 174, 199;
Mr. Bright Nominated for, 260, 262; and
Returned, 263; Reform Movement at,
276, 284; Mr. Bright again Returned for,
304; New Exchange Opened at, ii. 110;
Immense Reform Demonstrations at, 131,
155; Mr. Bright's Third Return for, 156,
157; Fourth, 239; Monster Meeting at
Bingley Hall, to Welcome Mr. Gladstone,
276; Political Prominence of, Referred to
by Mr. Bright, 277; Liberal Club Organ-
ised at, 321, 324; Reception of Mr. Bright
at, after the Dissolution of 1880, 327; Torch-
light Processions, 330: Triumph, 331.
Birmingham Post, Remarks in on Mr.
Bright's Appearance at the 1868 Election,
ii. 208.
Bowring, Sir J., Blamed by Mr. Bright for
the China War, ii. 11, 12.
Bowring Dr., Moves for abolition of Flog-
ging in the Army, i. 168; Supported by
Mr. Bright, but Lost, 168.
Bradlaugh, Mr., and the Parliamentary
Oath, ii. 339, 340; Defends himself, 340,
341; Taken into Custody, but Released,
341, 342; again Ejected, 342.
Bright, Jacob, the Statesman's Father, 1.
2; as a Man of Business, 3; his Numer-
ous Family, 4; his Character and Death,
Bright, Jacob, the Statesman's Brother, on
his Manchester Defeat, i. 256; Elected
for Manchester, ii. 258.
Bright, John, Pedigree, i. 1, 2, 3; Father,
3; Mother and Family, 3: his Birth, 3;
his Character, 4; Delicate as a Child, 4;
his Education, 4; Fond of Fishing, 5;
Enters His Father's Mill, 5; First Inter-
est in Public Questions, 6; Naturally a
Liberal, 6; Family Connection with the
Society of Friends, 6; his First Speech,
7; his Sympathy with the Temperance
Movement, 9; ii. 89; Addresses a Bible
Society Meeting at Rochdale, i. 9; Par-
tiality to Cricket, 9; Attains his Majority,
10; First Visit to the Continent, 11;
Helps to form the Rochdale Literary and
Philosophical Society, 11; Address on
Abolition of Capital Punishment, 12-14;
Shares in Various Discussions, 14-16;
Visits the Continent and Palestine, 16;
Lectures upon his Tour, 16; Expresses
his Sentiments upon Church Establish-
ments, 18; Formation of his Friendship
with Mr. Cobden through the Education
Question, 19; Opinions on Factory Legis-
lation, 20; Replies to Mr. Fielden's Pam-
phlet, 20-23; Criticises his Remarks on
Foreign Competition, 21; Advocates
Abolition of the Corn Laws, 22; Issues
an Address to the Rochdale Reformers,
24; Attacks Toryism in that Borough on
the Church Rate Question, 24; Depre-
cates the Immoral Conduct at Elections
there, 25; Regards the Poor Law Amend
ment Bill as a tory Stalking-horse, 25, 26;
Effect of his Address, 27; Attachment to
his Sovereign, 27, ii. 148, Shares in the
Church Rate Agitation at Rochdale, i. 92-
32; Contributes to the Vicar's Lantern, 32;
Attacks the Bishops, 32, 141, 142, 194; First
Marriage, 33; his Wife's Death, 33; Re-
ceives Mr. Cobden's Sympathy, 33; Builds
himself a Residence, 31; his Successful
Career Prophesied, 35; Contests Durham
City, 35; First Election Address, 35;
Speech at the Hustings, 86-38; Cause of
Failure, 38; Farewell Address to the
Electors, 39; again Enters the Field, 39;
Addresses his Friends, 40; Expresses
Strong Sympathy for the Working Class-
es, 40-42 Stirring Address to the Electors,
43-45; Speech at his Nomination, 46-49;
Returned, 50; Enthusiastic Reception,
50; General Influence of his Election,
51; Important Demonstration in London,
51; Enters the House of Commons as a
Free Trader, 52; his Success at Durham
an Anti-Corn-Law League Triumph, 53;
First Speech in the House, 54-56; Opinions
upon, 56; Misunderstanding with Lord
Ashley, 63; Speaks upon the Game Laws
at St. Albans, 67, 68; Addresses an Anti-
Corn-Law Meeting at Rochdale, 81; at
Bolton 82; Assists in Forming a Branch
of the League, 82; Proposes Resolutions
at Meetings in Manchester, 84; Estimates
Mr. Cobden's Powers on his First Appear-
ance in Parliament, 85; Describes at
Manchester the Depression and Distress
in the Manufacturing Districts, 87;
Moves a Resolution thereupon, 88; Ad-
dresses Meetings of Free Trade Dele-
gates in London, 88, 89, 90; Waits upon
the Duke of Sussex with a Deputation,
91; upon Sir James Graham and Lord
Ripon, 91; First Public Meeting with
Mr. Gladstone, 91; Opposes the Chartist
Agitation, 92; Tour with Mr. Cobden
through the Midlands, 94; Important
Anti-Corn-Law Speech at Manchester,
94, 95; Estimate of his Talents, 95; Speaks
at the Free Trade Hall, 97, 98; Correspond-
ence with Lord Brougham, 97; Defence
of the League, 98, 99; Proposes an Address
to Mr. Cobden, 100; Speaks at Drury
Lane Theatre, 101; Visits the Agricultu-
ral Districts, 102; Speech at Dorchester,
102, 103; Huntingdon, 103 104; Quells Oppo-
sition in Newcastle-on-Tyne, 104; Speaks
on Abolition of Monopolies at Wakefield,
107; On Corn Law Repeal, at Covent Gar-
den Theatre, 109, 110, 112, 113; on the Jus-
tice of League Principles, 111; on
Permanent Prosperity, 112; on the Popu-
lar Organization of the League, 115-116,
at Manchester on the Potato Famine, 121;
on the Policy and Responsibility of Sir
R. Peel, 118-123; on the Progress of the
Free Trade Contest, and the Constitu-
tional Power of the People, 124-126; on the
Dissolution of the League, 131, 132; Ad-
dresses his Father's Work-people, 133, 134;
Reception by his Durham Constituents,
134; Presentation for his Services in the
League, 134, 135; Consents to be Nomina-
ted for Manchester, 137; Addresses the
Electors, 137, 138; Speech on his Unop-
posed Return, 139-142; Disturbance by
Operatives, 140; Defends his Vote against
the Ten Hours' Bill, 141; his Second
Marriage, 143; Issue therefrom, 144;
Visit to Ireland, 156; Advocates its
Claims at Manchester, 157; Receives an
Address of Gratitude from the Irish
Residents, 158; Speech in Reply, 158, 159;
on Religious Equality in Ireland and
Disestablishment, 160-162; Proof of his
Deep Interest in all Public Questions,
163; at Manchester on the Indian Cotton
Supply, 172; Writes an Introduction to
Evidence of Committee on the Game
Laws, 180, 181; on Reform, at Manchester,
199; on Peace Policy, at Birmingham,
199; on Papal Aggression, at Manches-
ter, 200; Becomes President of the Roch-
dale Freehold Land Society, 201; Declines
to be Nominated for Rochdale, 201;
Moves a Sympathetic Address to Kos-
suth, the Hungarian Patriot, 202; on the
Relations of Members of Parliament and
their Constituents, 202; on the "Man-
chester School," 203; on Biography, 203;
Second Visit to Ireland, 204; at the Bel-
fast Banquet, 201; again Returned for
Manchester, 204; on the Impending War
in the East, 205; as a Friend of Civil and
Religious Liberty, 205; Sentiments on
the British Defence of Turkey, 207; at
the Edinburgh Peace Conference, 208-210;
Reply to Mr. Watkin Declaring the War
Unjustifiable and the Government Policy
Imbecile, 224, 225; Indignation Evoked by
it. 226; Defends himself before his Con-
stituents, 227; Burnt in Effigy, 227; Effect
of his Eloquence in Parliament, 231; on
the Commercial Consequences of the
War, 234; at Manchester on Non-Inter-
vention, 238, and on the Follies of the
"Government of Lords," 238; Utterances
on the War at Rochdale, etc., and at
Manchester, 246-248; Consistent Conduct
throughout, 248; First Illness, 248; Offers
to Resign his Seat for Manchester, 250;
Acceptance Sympathetically Declined,
251; Visits Scotland, 249; Trip to Algiers,
Italy and Switzerland, 250; Interview
with the Empress of Russia at Nice, 250;
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