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of India. We accordingly propose that an officer shall be appointed for each presidency and Lieutenant-Governorship, who shall be specially charged with the management of the business concerned with education, and be immediately responsible to Government for its conduct. An adequate system of inspection will also, for the future, become an essential part of our educational system; and we desire that a sufficient number of inspectors be appointed.

§ 25. Universities.-The Council of Education, in the proposal to which we have alluded, took the London University as their model; and we agree with them that the form, government, and functions of the University are the best adapted to the wants of India, and may be followed with advantage, although some variation will be necessary in points of detail.

§§ 41 and 42. Education of the Masses. Our attention should now be directed to a consideration, if possible, still more important, and one which has been hitherto, we are bound to admit, too much neglected, namely, how useful and practical knowledge, suited to every station in life, may be best conveyed to the great mass of the people, who are utterly incapable of obtaining any education worthy of the name by their own unaided efforts, and we desire to see the active measures of Government more especially directed, for the future, to this object, for the attainment of which we are ready to sanction a considerable increase of expenditure.

Schools-whose object should be not to train highly a few youths, but to provide more opportunities than now exist for the acquisition of such an improved education as will make those that possess it more useful members of society in every condition of life—should exist in every district in India. These schools should be subject to constant and careful inspection; and their pupils might be encouraged by scholarships being instituted at other institutions which would be tenable as rewards for merit by the best of their number.

§§ 51 and 52. Grants-in-Aid.-The consideration of the impossibility of Government alone doing all that must be done in order to provide adequate means for the education of the natives of India, and of the ready assistance which may be derived from efforts which have hitherto received but little encouragement from the State, has led us to the natural conclusion that the most effectual method of providing for the wants of India in this respect will be to continue with the agency of the Government the aid which may be derived from the exertions and liberality of the educated and wealthy natives of India and of other benevolent persons.

We have, therefore, resolved to adopt in India the system of grants-in-aid which have been carried out in this country with very great success; and we confidently anticipate by thus drawing support from local resources in addition to contributions from the State, a far more rapid progress of education than would follow a mere increase of expenditure by the Government; while it possesses the additional advantage of fostering a spirit of reliance upon local exertions and combination for local purposes, which is of itself of no mean importance to the wellbeing of a nation.

§ 83. Female Education.-The importance of female education in India cannot be overrated; and we have observed with pleasure the evidence which is now afforded of an increased desire on the part of many of the natives of India to give a good education to their daughters. By this means a far greater proportional impulse is imparted to the educational and moral tone of the people than by the education of men. We have already observed that schools for females are included among those to which grants-in-aid may be given; and we cannot refrain from expressing our cordial sympathy with the efforts which are being made in this direction.

§ 84. Religion.-Considerable misapprehension appears to exist as to our views with respect to religious instruction in the Government institutions. These institutions were founded for the benefit of the whole population of India; and, in order to effect their object, it was, and is, indispensable that the education conveyed in them should be exclusively secular. The Bible is, we understand, placed in the libraries of the colleges and schools, and the pupils are able freely to consult it. This is as it should be; and, moreover, we have no desire to prevent, or discourage, any explanations which the pupils may, of their own free will, ask from their masters upon the subject of the Christian religion, provided that such information be given out of school hours. Such instruction being entirely voluntary on both sides, it is necessary, in order to prevent the slightest suspicion of an intention on our part to make use of the influence of Government for the purpose of proselytism that no notice shall be taken of it by the inspectors in their periodical visits.

CHAPTER VII

THE FREEDOM OF THE PRESS

It was natural that with the introduction of Western learning and ideas of thought the public press should play a large part in Indian life. As to how far the press should be controlled by Government was, and is, a matter on which there is a wide difference of opinion. The first Indian newspaper, known as Hickey's Gazette, was published as early as in 1781. According to Mr. Sutherland's evidence before the Select Committee in 1832, the press was "violent, and even scurrilous in the extreme in its attacks on public men," but no further restrictions on the liberty of the press beyond those imposed by the law of England were considered necessary. The control over the Indian press was first established by the Marquess of Wellesley during the critical years of the war with France. 1 "The first regulations restrained the press from publishing any general orders or naval intelligence, and the arrival or departure of ships. It was designed to protect the commercial interests and those of the State from our enemies. The Indian seas were at this period crowded with French privateers; and it was discovered that the shipping intelligence, inserted to gratify the curiosity of the readers of newspapers, was sent to every point where it could reach the commanders of these vessels, whom it often enabled to intercept merchantmen, and to avoid the British cruisers." In 1823, Mr. Adam, who succeeded Lord Hastings temporarily as Governor-General, introduced stringent regulations for the control of the press. Every paper had to be published under a licence from Government which could be revoked at pleasure, with or without inquiry or notice. It was the

1 Evidence of Mr. Warden, Member of Council at Bombay, before Select Committee, dated April 30, 1832.

duty of a Secretary to Government to delete "undesirable " criticisms of Government policy. Mr. Warden, who performed this difficult task in Bombay for a period of fifteen years, was reprimanded on one occasion by Lord Wellesley for allowing the appointment of Lord Cornwallis as GovernorGeneral to appear in the papers on the plea that important negotiations might have been defeated by a premature disclosure of the impending change of rulers. He added that it was often his lot, when he had repaired on a Friday morning "to the adjoining island of Salseete for a little relaxation from the fatigues of office," to be recalled to Bombay for the purpose of deleting speeches delivered in the House of Commons which were too critical of the policy adopted by the ruling authorities in India. That Government did not shrink from inflicting the most drastic punishments is clear from the following correspondence.

Strict Control over the Press

Source.-Minutes of Evidence before Select Committee, 1832.

(i)

To Mr. William Adam and Mr. Villiers Holcrofts,

Proprietors of the Calcutta Chronicle.

General Department.

GENTLEMEN,

COUNCIL CHAMBER, 31st May, 1827.

The general tenor of the contents of the Calcutta Chronicle having been for some time past highly disrespectful to the Government and the Honourable the Court of Directors, and that paper of the 29th instant in particular, comprising several paragraphs in direct violation of the Regulations regarding the press, I am directed to inform you that the Right Honourable the Vice-President in Council has resolved that the licence granted to you on the 25th January last for the printing and publishing of the Calcutta Chronicle be cancelled, and it is hereby cancelled accordingly from the present date.

I am, gentlemen, your obedient servant,

C. LUSHINGTON,

Chief Secretary to Government.

The unfortunate proprietors in reply asked Government to indicate the particular articles that had brought upon

them this heavy expression of displeasure and urged that no direct warning whatever had been given.

General Department.

SIR,

(ii)

COUNCIL CHAMBER, Ist June, 1827.

Your letter of yesterday's date having been laid before Government, I am directed to inform you that the Right Honourable the Vice-President in Council does not think it necessary to make any more specific reference to the objectionable passages contained in the Calcutta Chronicle of the 29th ultimo than was done in my communication of yesterday.

2. I am desired to add that the remainder of your letter requires no other reply than that the warnings publicly given to other editors were sufficient for your information, and that Government does not see fit to accede to your publication permission to continue the publication of the Calcutta Chronicle. I am, sir, your obedient servant,

C. LUSHINGTON.

Chief Secretary to Government.

The action of Government in the case of the Calcutta Chronicle and other papers was high-handed to a degree, but at the same time a control over the press was necessary in those days and was advocated by such liberal-minded statesmen as Mountstuart Elphinstone, who deported Mr. Fair, the editor of the Bombay Gazette, and Sir Thomas Munro. The latter urged that a free press would tend to frustrate improvement and might easily result in a general revolt of the army, which would be joined by the great body of the people.

Dangers of a Free Press in India Source.-(i) Evidence of Mountstuart Elphinstone before the Select Committee. Dated August 5, 1832.

If the press be free we shall be in a predicament such as no State has yet experienced. In other countries, the use of the press has gradually extended along with the improvement of the country, and the intelligence of the people; but we shall have to contend at once with the more refined theories of Europe, and with the prejudices and fanaticism of Asia, both rendered doubly formidable by the imperfect education of those to whom

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