such exception. The treaty which the Mexican commissioners have negotiated with him, with a full knowledge on their part that he had been recalled from his mission, is binding on Mexico.

Looking at the actual condition of Mexico, and believing that, if the present treaty be rejected, the war will probably be continued, at great expense of life and treasure, for an indefinite period; and considering that the terms, with the exceptions mentioned in my message of the 22d instant, conformed substantially, so far as relates to the main question of boundary, to those authorized by me in April last, I considered it to be my solemn duty to the country, uninfluenced by the exceptionable conduct of Mr. Trist, to submit the treaty to the senate, with a recommendation that it be ratified with the modifications suggested.

Nothing contained in the letters received from Mr. Trist since it was submitted to the senate has changed my opinion on the subject.

The resolution also calls for "all the correspondence between General Scott and the government since the arrival of Mr. Trist in Mexico." A portion of that correspondence, relating to Mr. Trist and his mission, accompanies this communication. The remainder of the "correspondence between General Scott and the government" relates mainly, if not exclusively, to military operations. A part of it was communicated to Congress with my annual message, and the whole of it will be sent to the senate if it shall be desired by that body.

As coming within the purview of the resolution, I also communicate copies of the letters of the secretary of war to Major-General Butler, in reference to Mr. Trist's remaining at the headquarters of the army in the assumed exercise of his powers of commissioner.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

MARCH 7, 1848.

To the Senate of the United States :

I LAY before the senate a letter of the 12th of February, 1848, from N. P. Trist, together with the authenticated map of the United Mexican States, and of the plan of the port of San Diego, referred to in the fifth article of the treaty" of peace, friendship, limits, and settlement, between the United States of America and the Mexican republic;" which treaty was transmitted to the senate with my message of the 22d ultimo.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

MARCH 8, 1848.

To the Senate of the United States :—

In answer to the resolution of the senate of this date, requesting the president" to inform the senate of the terms of the authority given to Mr. Trist to draw for the three millions of dollars authorized by the act of the 2d of March, 1847," I communicate herewith a report from the secretary of state, with the accompanying documents, which contain the information called for.

To the Senate of the

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

MARCH 8, 1848.

United States :

IN answer to the resolution of the senate of this date, requesting the president to communicate to that body "confidentially, any additional despatches which may have been received from Mr. Trist, and especially those which are promised by him, in his letter to Mr. Buchanan of the 2d of February last, if the same have been received," I have to state that all the despatches which have been received from Mr. Trist have been heretofore communicated to the senate.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

MARCH 15, 1848.

To the House of Representatives:—

I COMMUNICATE, herewith, a copy of the constitution of state government formed by a convention of the people of the territory of Wisconsin, in pursuance of the act of Congress of August 6, 1846, entitled "An act to enable the people of Wisconsin territory to form a constitution and state government, and for the admission of such state into the Union."

I communicate, also, the documents accompanying the constitution, which have been transmitted to me by the president of the convention.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

MARCH 20, 1848.

To the House of Representatives:

I TRANSMIT, herewith, reports from the secretary of state and the sec retary of war, with the accompanying documents, in compliance with the resolution of the house of representatives of the 7th of February, 1848, requesting the president to communicate to that house "copies of all correspondence between the secretary of war and Major-General Scott, and between the secretary of war and Major-General Taylor, and between. Major-General Scott and N. P. Trist, late commissioner of the United States to Mexico, and between the latter and secretary of state, which has not heretofore been published, and the publication of which may not be incompatible with the public interest."

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

MARCH 24, 1848.

To the House of Representatives of the United States:

I TRANSMIT herewith a report from the secretary of state, with the accompanying documents, in compliance with the resolution of the house of representatives of the 8th instant, calling for "any correspondence which may have recently taken place with the British government relative to the adoption of principles of reciprocity in the trade and shipping of the twc countries."

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

APRIL 3, 1848.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:—

I COMMUNICATE to Congress, for their information, a copy of a despatch, with the accompanying documents, received at the department of state from the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris, giving official information of the overthrow of the French monarch, and the establishment in its stead of a provisional government based on republican principles.

This great event occurred suddenly, and was accomplished almost without bloodshed. The world has seldom witnessed a more interesting or sublime spectacle than the peaceful rising of the French people, resolved to secure for themselves enlarged liberty, and to assert, in the majesty of their strength, the great truth that in this enlighteued age man is capable of governing himself.

The prompt recognition of the new government by the representative of the United States at the French court, meets my full and unqualified approbation, and he has been authorized in a suitable manner to make known this fact to the constituted authorities of the French republic. Called upon to act upon a sudden emergency, which could not have been anticipated by his instructions, he judged rightly of the feelings and sentiments of his government and of his countrymen, when, in advance of the diplomatic representatives of other countries, he was the first to recognise, so far as it was in his power, the free government established by the French people.

The policy of the United States has ever been that of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of other countries, leaving to each to establish the form of government of its own choice. While this wise policy will be maintained toward France, now suddenly transformed from a monarchy into a republic, all our sympathies are naturally enlisted on the side of a great people, who, imitating our example, have resolved to be free. That such sympathy should exist on the part of the people of the United States with the friends of free government in every part of the world, and especially in France, is not remarkable. We can never forget that France was our early friend in our eventful revolution, and generously aided us in shaking off a foreign yoke and becoming a free and independent people.

We have enjoyed the blessings of our system of well-regulated self-government for near three fourths of a century, and can properly appreciate its value. Our ardent and sincere congratulations are extended to the patriotic people of France, upon their noble, and thus far successful, efforts to found for their future government liberal institutions similar to our own.

It is not doubted that, under the benign influence of free institutions, the enlightened statesmen of republican France will find it to be for her true interests and permanent glory to cultivate with the United States the most liberal principles of international intercourse and commercial reciprocity, whereby the happiness and prosperity of both nations will be promoted.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

APRIL 29, 1848.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States :I SUBMIT for the consideration of Congress, several communications received at the department of state from Mr. Justo Sierra, commissioner of Yucatan, and also a communication from the governor of that state, representing the condition of extreme suffering to which their country has been reduced by an insurrection of the Indians within its limits, and asking the aid of the United States.

These communications present a case of human suffering and misery which can not fail to excite the sympathies of all civilized nations. From these, and other sources of information, it appears that the Indians of Yucatan are waging a war of extermination against the white race. In this civil war, they spare neither age nor sex, but put to death, indiscriminately, all who fall within their power. The inhabitants, panic-stricken, and destitute of arms, are flying before their savage pursuers toward the coast, and their expulsion from their country, or their extermination, would seem to be inevitable, unless they can obtain assistance from abroad.

In this condition, they have, through their constituted authorities, implored the aid of this government, to save them from destruction, offering, in case this should be granted, to transfer the "dominion and sovereignty of the peninsula" to the United States. Similar appeals for aid and protection have been made to the Spanish and the English governments.

While it is not my purpose to recommend the adoption of any measure with a view to the acquisition of the "dominion and sovereignty" over Yucatan; yet, according to our established policy, we could not consent to a transfer of this "dominion and sovereignty," to either Spain, Great Britain, or any other European power. In the language of President Monroe, in his message of December, 1823, "we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety." In my annual message of December, 1845, 1. declared that "near a quarter of a century ago the principle was distinctly announced to the world, in the annual message of one of my predecessors, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European power.' This principle will apply with greatly increased force, should any European power attempt to establish any new colony in North Amer

ica. In the existing circumstances of the world, the present is deemed a proper occasion to reiterate and reaffirm the principle avowed by Mr. Monroe, and to state my cordial concurrence in its wisdom and sound policy. The reassertion of this principle, especially in reference to North America, is at this day but the promulgation of a policy which no European power should cherish the disposition to resist. Existing rights of every European nation should be respected; but it is due alike to our safety and our interests, that the efficient protection of our laws should be extended over our whole territorial limits, and that it should be distinctly announced to the world as our settled policy, that no future European colony or dominion shall, with our consent, be planted or established on any part of the North American continent."

Our own security requires that the established policy, thus announced, should guide our conduct, and this applies with great force to the peninsula of Yucatan. It is situate in the gulf of Mexico, on the North American continent, and, from its vicinity to Cuba, to the capes of Florida, to New Orleans, and, indeed, to our whole southwestern coast, it would be dangerous to our peace and security if it should become a colony of any European nation.

We have now authentic information that, if the aid asked from the United States be not granted, such aid will probably be obtained from some European power which may hereafter assert a claim to "dominion and sovereignty" over Yucatan.

Our existing relations with Yucatan are of a peculiar character, as will be perceived from the note of the secretary of state to their commissioner, dated on the 24th of December last, a copy of which is herewith transmitted. Yucatan has never declared her independence, and we treated her as a state of the Mexican republic. For this reason we have never officially received her commissioner; but, while this is the case, we have, to a considerable extent, recognised her as a neutral in our war with Mexico. While still considering Yucatan as a portion of Mexico, if we had troops to spare for this purpose, I would deem it proper, during the continuance of the war with Mexico, to occupy and hold military possession of her territory, and to defend the white inhabitants against the incursions of the Indians, in the same way that we have employed our troops in other states of the Mexican republic in our possession, in repelling the attacks of savages upon the inhabitants, who have maintained their neutrality in the war. But, unfortunately, we can not, at the present time, without serious danger, withdraw our forces from other portions of the Mexican territory now in our occupation, and send them to Yucatan. All that can be done, under existing circumstances, is to employ our naval forces in the gulf, not required at other points, to afford them relief; but it is not to be expected that any adequate protection can thus be afforded, as the oper ations of such naval forces must, of necessity, be confined to the coast.

I have considered it proper to communicate the information contained in the accompanying correspondence, and I submit to the wisdom of Congress to adopt such measures as, in their judgment, may be expedient, to prevent Yucatan from becoming a colony of any European power, which in no event, could be permitted by the United States; and, at the same time, to rescue the white race from extermination or expulsion from thei country.