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poet, began to win him golden opinions in the city | pected that any one will apply to the emergency and surrounding territory. He was recommended of another, that clear and elaborate scrutiny into also by the crown, to the office of sheriff for Cork. the whole combination of their advantages and But the rebellion of Tyrone broke upon the goodly disadvantages, which is necessary for conduct under prospects, and surrounded every peaceful habita- the pressure of difficulty: counsel is cheap and tion with restless disquietudes and apprehensions. easy, and all are ready to bestow it; but sound The inmates of one of Desmond's castles could not and considerate advice few have at their disposal sleep undisturbed by the terrors which left no when they need it for themselves. Our applicahome secure. Frightful rumours were the daily tion of these reflections is but conjectural, and conversation; the quiet woods, which the poet so the result of our own long observation of the ways long had peopled with the fawns, satyrs, and of the world. But it is certain that Spenser had hamadryades, in which his fancy loved to revel, many high and influential friends, and claims of no teemed with no imaginary groups of wolvish slight order upon the sympathy of the good and kernes and ruffian bonaghts fiercely looking out wise, and upon the gratitude of all—the proudest upon his castle and awaiting the night: night was ornaments of the Elizabethan age are Spenser and haunted by fearful apprehensions-evil noises Shakespeare, with either of whom (different as mingled in the winds, and the echoing signal was they are) no other can be named. Poor Spenser heard among the hills. Hapless is their state who with a family-stripped of his estate-with the claim are under the influence of such terrors—inflicting of service and the noble title of genius—was, if by anticipation the sufferings which may not not absolutely deserted, allowed to sink into ne. arrive. But this was not the good fortune of poor glect and penury. It is said, and not authoritaSpenser, of whose felicity we more lament the tively contradicted, that when reduced to the most ruin because it was so complete. Blest in thc abject want, lord Essex sent him a sum of money union he had formed, a happy father, a husband which the poet's pride induced him to refuse. The much loving and much loved, admired, respected, circumstance is very likely to have received the and, after a life of toil, possessed of a growing exaggerations, so commonly attendant upon all infortune: one fatal hour reversed his fortunate cidents which can be distorted into scandal position, and sent him a houseless fugitive with his against the apper classes. We have already, in helpless family, again to try his fortune, in the un- another memoir,* had occasion to examine a very certain favour of which he had so long experience. similar story. We however think it sufficiently
“We cannot here offer any precise detail of the confirms the general inference of his having sufdreadful particulars of a disaster, the horror of fered from want; nor can we entertain any doubt which is perhaps better to be understood from a that his spirit must have been shattered, and his single incident than from any description. The pride diseased into a morbid irritability by the sufpoet with his family were compelled to fly with ferings and mortifications ever attendant upon such precipitation, that their youngest infant was such misfortunes. left behind. It was, perhaps the error of the “It is, in the midst of these painful circumwretched parents, inexperienced in popular con- stances, cheering to contemplate, that his wifevulsion, to imagine that a helpless and innocent the haughty beauty whom he had wooed for three babe could not be really in any risk; and they years, and who adorned and exalted his short inconceived that they had provided fully for its terval of worldly happiness—did not wrong the safety, by leaving the necessary directions for its deep love and the immortalizing praises of the journey on the following day, in a manner more poet; but with the attachment and constancy peaccommodated to its tender age. The castle was culiar to her sex, walked with him like a minister. plandered and burned, and the infant perished in ing angel, in the fiery furnace of affliction and bitthe flames. The family only escaped by the terness: confirming her claim in sober history, to promptness of their flight. They reached London, the encomium with which poesy has handed down where they took lodgings in King Street.
her name. “ Spenser never recovered from the shock of
“ Spenser only survived his flight from the this calamity. Despair and discouragement cloud-country of his adoption, “a little more than kin ed his breast, and his health sunk rapidly under and less than kind,' for five years, and died at his the combination of grief, want, and the renewal of inn in King-street, in January, 1598, in the 45th a painful servitude upon the capricious friendship year of his age. The world, which felt that he of the great. We do not believe that he was ut. was to be no longer a burden, but thenceforth an terly deserted in this distressing condition, be honour, showered upon his heedless grave its most cause we do not believe in the utter baseness of unavailing honours and distinctions. His funeral mankind it would imply : feeling, generosity, and was conducted with a pomp more suited to his real truth can have no existence but in fable, if they merits, than to his fortunes. The earl of Essex are not to be found in the ranks of a high and contributed the cost, and the poets of the day polished aristocracy. But a just estimate of hu- came to shower their verses into his grave. He man nature, and a precise experience of the moral was buried in Westminster Abbey, next to Chaucer, workings of society, is sufficient to account for the the only other name that could yet be named with neglect which neither high worth, nor the posses- his. His wife is understood to have survived him sion of many friends, are enough to ward of. The for some years, but not to have married again.” generosity of the world is but an impulse, which
Reader-reader-is it not a pity, a bitter its prudence, more constant, is ever trying to limit and escape from: when the effort to relieve has pity, that such delineations, as this is but a been made, it is an easy thing to be satisfied that fair sample of, should be singed, scorched, enough has been done, and to lay the blame of its irreparably injured, by their fatal, and we actual insufficiency on the imprudence of the suf- cannot but believe, their forced juxtaposiferer. The kindness is for the most part accom. panied by counsel, for the most part inconsiderate,
* Life of Sheridan. - Dublin University Magazine, because it cannot be otherwise. It cannot be ex- June, 1837.
tion, with such miserable bigotry and anti- | Tooles, and all who lived in their circle, with wellnationalism as the following; it forms part grounded hostility; and few at the time in the of an infatuated attempt to palliate, cloke, town of Wicklow were free from liability to sus
picion. To what extent Coote received informa. and what artists call to paint out, the never tions, true or false, on which he acted in the heat to be forgotten deeds of that chief of hello of the moment, cannot be ascertained ; that such hounds-Coote.
must have been numerous and grounded on the
facts is not to be doubted. It was Coote's notion “The rebels had some days before surprised that the exigency of the crisis (for such it then Cary's fort, Arklow, and Chichester fortz —had appeared) demanded the display of severe and exbesieged the houses of all the English gentry in emplary justice; we differ from this opinion, but the surrounding country, and had committed great see no reason to call it worse than error. He slaughter upon the inhabitants—and were actually therefore resolved on a stern duty, which would on their march to Dublin. At the approach of under the circumstances have been revolting to a Coote, they retired and scattered among the humane spirit; but which harmonized well with Wicklow mountains. He pursued his march to the ‘sæva indignatïo' of Coote. That he 'comWicklow; the rebels possessed the town, and had | mitted such unprovoked, such ruthless, and indisinvested the castle, which was in a condition of criminate carnage in the town as rivalled the utmost extreme distress. They did not wait to be at- extravagance of the northerns' is a statement that tacked, but retired on the appearance of the yet requires to be proved: we deny the charge. English soldiers. Coote entered the town and “The defeat of the English at Julianstown caused numerous persons to be seized and executed bridge, carried consternation to the government as rebels; his party also had caught the angry and inhabitants of Dublin. Coote was recalled spirit of their leader, and numerous acts of violence from Wicklow to defend the metropolis; he obeyed occurred. Historians of every party have agreed the order. He had approached with his party in their representations of this transaction, and it within a few miles of Dublin, when his march has left a stain on the memory of Coote. This was intercepted by Luke Toole, with a force we cannot pretend to efface; we are not inclined generally supposed to amount to a thousand men. to make any concession to the exaggerations of Coote's meu amounted at most to four hundred, the party historians on either side, but we equally but the rebels were routed so quickly and with revolt from the affectation of candour which com- such slaughter, that it is said this incident made promises the truth, for the sake of preserving the Coote an object of terror during the remainder of appearance of fairness. Coote has been the scape. his life. He then resumed his march, and was goat of impartiality. Leland, who is in general made governor of Dublin. He endeavoured to truth itself in his historic details, and more free secure the city, a task attended with no small emfrom bias than any historian of Ireland, mentions barrassment, as the fortifications were in a state his conduct in terms of denunciation--which we of utter dilapidation; the city wall had fallen into should not advert to did they not involve some ruin, and having been built four hundred years injustice. The following is Leland's statement: before, was ill adapted to the altered state of
this man was employed by the chief governors military resources. to drive some of the insurgents of Leinster from “While thus engaged, Coote was frequently the castle of Wicklow which they had invested; called out into the surrounding districts, to repel he executed his commission, repelled the Irish to incursions or repress manifestations of insurrectheir mountains, and in revenge of their depreda- tion. On these occasions he was uniformly eftions, committed such unprovoked, such ruthless, fective, but acted, there is reason to believe, with and indiscriminate carnage in the town, as rivalled the fierce and thorough-working decision of his the utmost extravagance of the northerns. This character. On the 15th of December he was wanton cruelty, instead of terrifying, served to called out by the report that three hundred armed exasperate the rebels, and to provoke them to men had plundered a vessel from England at severe retaliation.'
Clontarf, and deposited their plunder in the house “We perfectly agree with those who consider of Mr. King, where they took up their quarters. that no personal resentments, or no crimes com- For some time before, there had been a consider. mitted by other rebels elsewhere, can be called a able disposition to insurrectionary movement along justification of the cruelties inflicted upon the the whole coast, from Clontarf to the county of people of Wicklow, if it be assumed that they Meath. Plunder and piracy had become frequent were not involved in the offence. And even if | under the relaxation of local jurisdiction, consethey were, we must admit that the conduct of quent upon the general terror; and the fears of Coote was violent, sanguinary, and beyond the the government at last awakened them to a sense limits of justice and discretion; it was unquestion of the necessity of guarding against so near a ably vindictive, perhaps also (for we have not seen danger. Several of the gentry also of these disany minute detail) brutal and savage. But we tricts had comunitted themselves by acts of no are bound to repel the affirmation that it was un- doubtful character; and it was with their known provoked, and the assumption that the sufferers sanction that strong parties of armed men were were unoffending persons executed to gratify collected in Clontarf, Santry, Swords, Rathcoole, private revenge. We cannot suffer even Sir &c. : these parties committed numerous acts of Charles Coote to be painted in gratuitous black violence, and overawed the peaceful, while they ness, to balance Sir Phelim O‘Neile in the scale gave encouragement to the turbulent. The party of candour. Wicklow town was at the time a here particularized was evidently under the sancnest of rebellion, and the retreat of every dis- tion of Mr. King, a gentleman of the popular contented spirit in Leinster. The oppression and party, in whose house they stored their plunder; rapine of the iniquitous castle-party, the agents they were in strict combination with the people of and dependents of the lords-justices, had filled the Clontarf, who had actually formed a part of their strong tribes of the Byrnes, the Kavanaghs, the strength, and joined them with their fishing boats.
We mention these facts because the summary state- | criminal courts. The ground assigned was the ment that Sir C. Coote expelled them from Clon- great accumulation of prisoners, and the impossitarf, by burning both Mr. King's house and the bility of obtaining juries from the counties where village, must otherwise place the act in a fallacious the crimes were alleged to have been committed. point of view. Coote acted in this as on every Carte remarks on this day, that they had juries occasion with the sweeping severity of his harsh from Meath, Wicklow, and Kildare, as well as character; but the unpopularity of his character, from Dublin; and according to his statement of and of the lords-justices to whom he was as an their conduct, we think it may be doubted whether arm of defence, seems to have diverted the eye of the parties tried before them gained much by the history from the obvious fact, that in this, as upon preservation of form; for Meath, Wicklow, and many other occasions, he did no more than the Dublin, “ within two days afterwards, bilis of emergency of the occasion called for.
high treason were found against all the lords and “It was but a few days after that he was com- prime gentlemen, as also against three hundred pelled to march to the relief of Swords, which persons of quality and estate in the county of was occupied by 1400 men. They barricaded all Kildare: among which were the old countess of the entrances. Coote forced these passages, and Kildare, Sir Nicholas White, his son Captain routed them with a slaughter of two hundred men. White, who had never joined the rebels—so much
“ The known violence of Coote, while it made expedition was used in this affair.”+ To preserve him the instrument of the government in many the escheats of property, which had always a due questionable acts and many acts of decided in share of consideration with the government, the justice, also exposed him to much calumny, the persons of property were exempted from martial certain reward of unpopularity. Among other law, and it was easy to find the juries to the exthings, a report was spread, that he had at that tent required. The poor were ordered to be tried council board expressed his opinion for a general by the more expeditious and summary method. massacre of the Roman catholics ; this report was But we must here remark, that the injustice is not alledged as an excuse by the lords of that com- the real ground of objection to this course. The munion, for refusing to trust themselves into the main part of the prisoners had been taken in hands of the Irish government.* These noblemen arms, and at any time would be amenable to marhad unquestionably real grounds for their distrust tial law: but the act was cruel and imprudent; of the lords.justices, and thought it necessary to for the wholesale and summary conviction of a find some pretext for the prudent refusal. But multitude of deluded peasants could answer no they could not seriously have entertained a motion end. If it was not vindictive, which we cannot so revolting. The pretext, though perhaps, too believe, it is chiefly to be censured as a shallow misfrivolous for the persons who used it, was, never take; when the cruelty of punishment is more retheless, highly adapted for the further purpose of volting than its justice is apparent, the indignaworking upon the fear and anger of the multitude; tion and sympathy of the multitude takes the who are ignorant, that however self-interest and place of submission and fear. The instrumentality vicious passions may warp the hearts and under- of one so feared and so unpopular as Coote, cast standings of the upper ranks, there is too much an added shade of darkness upon this measure. knowledge of right and wrong among them to Among the persons thus tried were several Roman permit of so open an outrage to humanity, among
catholic priests ; and from this, exasperation persons pretending to the dignity of the lords- of the populace was the more to be apprehended. justices and council. It is very likely that Coote, These gentlemen were very generally accused of who was a rude soldier and an irritable man, used exciting the people to rebellion : how far such an language which, used by a person of moderate accusation could be rigidly maintained, we cannot sedateness of temper, would have bore a harsh decide, but it is easy to feel the unhappy embarconstruction ; but we see no reason to admit that rassment under which such cases would be likely he either contemplated the crime described, or to present themselves to the feelings of a just and that any one present could have reasonably so re- humane jury; for in very many such instances, ported his language. The lords-justices, in reply where the priest has been the leader, his entire to the letter of the lords of the pale, assured conduct has been directed to soften the horrors of them that they never did hear Sir Charles or rebellion, and to save its victims. The history of any other, utter at the council board or elsewhere, • ’ninety-eight' supplies examples enough. But any speeches tending to a purpose or resolution, father O'Higgins, the victim of 1641, was a quiet, to execute on those of their profession or any inoffensive, and pious man, much respected by other a general massacre; nor was it ever in their those who knew him, who officiated at Naas, and thoughts to dishonour his Majesty or the state by in the neighbourhood. He had distinguished himso odious, impious, and detestable a thing. Giving self in saving the English in those parts from them assurance of their safety if they would slaughter and plunder, and had relieved several repair thither the 17th of that month.'
that had been stripped and robbed. The Earl of “ With such a reputation for violence and cru. Ormonde found him at Naas, and took him under clty, it was unfortunate for Sir Charles Coote and his protection, (he never having been concerned for the country, that as military governor of the in any act of rebellion, nor guilty of any crime, city, it devolved to him to try the prisoners then nor liable to any objection, but the matter of his under the charge of rebellion in Dublin. He was religion) and brought him along with him to Duban unfit instrument, and had neither the prudence lin.'f Some time after, while Lord Ormonde was nor temper for so delicate an occassion. To make absent from town, the proceedings here described the matter worse, it remains at best doubtful, commenced, and the unfortunate O'Higgins was whether the occasion demanded the substitution seized, condemned, and executed. This shameful of martial law for the ordinary jurisdiction of the act was near drawing on Coote the punishment
* Letter signed Fingall, Gormanstown, Slane, Dunsany' Netherville, Oliver, Louth, Trimleston.'
† Carte, I. 278, note.
which his inconsiderate violence deserved. The takes the pen in hand, he may not have to
Turn we now to a very different work,—
O'Callaghan impresses everyone, with whom ignorant. The Earl of Ormond expostulated for long or brief space he is thrown into with them in vain, and even threatened to throw cantact,—that of a man who is thoroughly up his office: they apologized, and temporized, in earnest. We knew a sceptical acquaintand invented lame excuses, until it was plain that ance of his once, who, after talking highly of they were not to be persuaded by threats or entreaties: and Coote escaped. But the act which him, and regretting he had not applied himwas thus made additionally notorious, produced self steadily to some regular profession, for a pernicious effect among the Roman catholic which, in the estimation of the wordling, he aristocracy and gentry, whose fears it appeared had several qualifications--whispered in our strongly to confirm.
ear—" but don't you think he is a little We are utterly at a loss for words to ex- mad?" It may easily be supposed, that if press our sorrow, at being forced to quote a doubt of this sort had ever entered into such passages as the foregoing. There was our minds, we had not named it here. a time--not long enough gone by for Mr. O'Callaghan is a sound hearted and clear Wills's justification, by reason of forgetful- headed man. The earnestness of the man,ness, or ignorance—when it would have been the force, the vigour, the imagination,--is as a breach of plain honesty towards one's madness to the money-worshipping drudge. country, to forbear characterizing such senti- Of course it is. Such qualities have always ments as they deserve,—a time when to do been the most illegible of all riddles to the so would have been to incur no trivial dan- plodder. “A little inad;" and who that ger, a time when they might have halooed hath done aught worth talking of in this on a Coote in ermine, or in yeoman uniform, world,—who that hath ever striven, with into the feast of blood. But, thank God, that ward sustainment, and with that alone, to time is over.
The days of our endurance, save his country or his time from the suiciof our weakness, of our danger, are num- dical round of ill habit, and of commonbered : the spirit of Coote may not be dead; place, and dull cunning, that has not been but the coward ruffianisın of that spirit will looked upon as mad—“ a little mad." If never with impunity ride down this land madness be great hope,-hope too great for again. The eulogy of such a spirit, we small hearts to contain,-great faith,-faith should hope, will always shock the feelings too great for dim huxter-minded men to of the race, whose fathers were its unavenged grasp,—great longings,-longings for the victims. But strong in our moral and realization of that which to all, except great their physical might, we shudder at our hope and faith, seems to be, and truly is, fathers' fate without any selfish fear. Eng- impossible,—then was Solon mad, and land has at length been taught to know, that Mahomet, and Tell, and Vasa, and Coluinthe days of her pizarro-isin in Ireland are bus, and William Penn, and Roger Williams, past: misery, the last misery of a century- and Hampden, Ronsseau, Franklin, Miratrodden peuple,-misery is our's, that the beau, Grattan, Washington, Bolivar,pestilent doctrines of misrule, that once were O'Connell. If these had not been such as robed and truncheoned here, should still to impress the blind, whose eyes they were lurk about our otherwise good and pure- sent into the world to open, that they were minded men, like the poisoned arrow a little-perhaps not a little—mad, what shot by the dying savage, accomplishing its had they achieved ? or where had we been errand, when the hand that aimed it could now ? no more applaud its harm. Ah ! tis an in- And the same necessity of edifying for a corrigible evil, this of anti-nationalism; tis a time the equable, patent candle-light of their terrible, immitigable cruelty, and stark day, forces itself on men whose destinies are thwarting of nature's choicest gifts, that less lofty, perhaps, but not less imperative asks a man, so utterly unsuited to the work on them to fulfil, or less necessary for their of the political historian as James Wills, generation to have fulfilled, than those of the to fabricate a book professing to be a na- few and rare ones. Had John O'Callaghan tional history. Pray, that when next he flogged himself to the bar, or to trade, or to
medicine, we doubt not that he could have I believe, or even to suspect, the contrary. enabled himself in due time to keep two They dare not do our fathers' memory jushorses instead of one, four servants instead tice, " for their lives they dare not.” Every of two, and to wear six coats in the year in- hireling who has tampered with our history, stead of three. But, apart from the ques- from Moryson to Story, and from Hume to. tion, would he have been a happier man in Wakefield, has sedulously striven to keep up that condition of life,—what would we have the darling, precious, comfortable lie, of Irish gained thereby ? In round numbers-no- incompetence and cowardice in Ireland. And thing. And what would we have lost there- so great has been the denationalization by ?--Countless ideas, suggestions, germs of wrought amongst, us by the absence of all thought-trains, trains of thought themselves native literature, and the consequent neces-odd, queer, isolated, unconnected, unmar-sity of reading none but foreign versions of shalled into the rank and file of practical our still-to-be-written chronicles, that the duty, sometimes—but vivid, true, Irish, all best minded men among ourselves, have been to the one, the long-lost, the long-wanting at length puzzled and dinned out of the point, of Country.
natural and instinctive convictions of their The Green Book is confessedly a book own minds. To give one good staggering without pre-determined method ; it protests blow to this life's-bloodsucker of an imposagainst being judged by the set rules of the ture, has been the aim of the Green Book ; craft; it says it has something to say, worth and it has amply fulfilled its mission. It hearing and heeding : so it has, and before rends in pieces, and tears to pitiable, laughyou get to the end, you have it said well. able tatters, the ill-woven garment of lies, Nevertheless, we cannot help regretting, that wherein the truth of Ireland's wreck and one-third of the book had not been omitted subjugation has been wrapped round and in the present publication. We have no ob- hidden. It is not, it does not pretend or jections to light or fanciful effusions at any profess to be, a history; but it is just that time; we have read few lines in either prose sort of book, that no man who wants to know, or verse by John O'Callaghan, which we and who is not afraid to know, the truth of should not like to remember. But for the Ireland's history, can do without. sake of the more serious portions of his The ancient town of Athlone is situated about work, and for the sake of its effect on
the centre of Ireland, partly in Roscommon and people's minds, we object altogether to the partly in Westmeath, in a territory formerly called tying such solid tales to so light a kite. O'Kelly's country. Like Limerick and other The unity of the impression is marred; the towns in Ireland at this period, Athlone consisted
of two divisions, entitled the Irish and English prophet may have a right to his relaxations
The former lay on the western or Conand pleasant familiar talk; but when he naught, and the latter lay on the eastern or Leincomes to us to prophecy unto us, let him ster side of the Shannon; and, about the middle -speak as one having authority, and not as of the fortress
, (speaking of it as including both the trivial scribes.
towns,) the passage of the stream from the one to
the other was crossed by a bridge where the river And now, having shown ourselves not to
On the approach of Lieutenant be disarmed of our remorseless rights of General Douglas, the preceding year, the Irish criticism, even by the sympathy we feel for governor, Colonel Richard Grace, believing the a highly valued friend, we shall introduce Englislı town to be untenable, had burned the
houses and evacuated it; contenting himself with our readers without further stay, or let, or
the defence of the Irish town, from which he rehindrance to the pith and marrow of the pulsed the enemy. It had now, on the contrary, Green Book. It is a fierce, proud, and a been resolved to contest both sides of the river triumphant giving of the knightly lie, to the with Ginckle, and the walls of the English town, legion calumniators of our national reputa
which Douglas, in his precipitate retreat last tion on a sore and essential point. It is an year, had omitted to level, were repaired as well
as circumstances would permit. Those walls, answer to the question-how was this fair however, were of no great strength against such land of our's relt froin our fathers' band ? an immense park of artillery as the enemy's; and, By their own fault of pusillanimity-or by the when it was known on the morning of the 19th of treachery, and folly, and unworthiness of June, that the whole of Ginekle's large and well
appointed force was actually approaching the alien leaders ? Tlie falsehood that "Irish- place, the situation of the Irish governor, Colonel men never fought well at home," has been Fitzgerald, was extremely critical and embarrassfar 100 convenient a postulate in the argu- ing. From the unfinished state of the Irish prement for our protracted degradation, to grow parations, already adverted to, only a small party
or advanced post of cavalry belonging to St. out of use among our enemies. Those who Rutli's army had yet come up; for the description have an interest in our servitude, are bound of service required at Athlone, or garrison duty, to believe the lie. Tisn't sase for them to and from the nature of the ground in the vicinity