CHAPTER III.

ON THE POLITICAL LITERATURE OF GREECE.

We have now to commence with the Grecian era of political science;—an era which has exercised, on the practical affairs of governments, and on the trains of thought of speculative politicians, no little influence and authority. Before, however, proceeding to notice, in their order, the political writers of the Greek school, we shall give a general summary of the political institutions of Greece; for, unless we have some bird's eye conceptions of the ordinary polity of this interesting people, we can in no degree be benefitted by any analysis of their political systems or speculations. There must be governments of some kind before there can be any literary discussions on their nature or advantages. In framing this summary we shall be as brief as possible; premising, at the outset, that we shall avoid all knotty and controverted points of general and social polity, and all matters that properly belong to the historical connoisseur or antiquarian. The mere skeleton or frame work of Grecian legislation is all that can here be given; and this solely for the especial purpose of aiding the general reader's power to grapple more successfully with both ancient and modern treatises on political science, in all ages and countries.

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The early history of Greece is enveloped in great obscurity. All the historians of the country flourished long after the main transactions they describe took place; and this, of course, has been a fruitful source of much of the fabulous being incorporated with the true history of public events. Sir Isaac Newton fixes the year B.c. 1080, as that in which the city of Athens was founded; and this chronological date has been generally acquiesed in by subsequent writers of critical skill and reputation.

The first settlers in Greece and its islands are supposed to have been Phoenicians, who founded Thebes in Boeotia, and established a legislative system at Minos, in Crete, which was the first system of polity instituted in the country. It was of a purely military character, and its supreme power was lodged in the hands of a king or military chief, ten magistrates, and a senate, appointed for life. There were public assemblies of the people called together on general affairs, but what share of real power they had in the government is altogether a matter of speculation and uncertainty.

How long the kingly office existed in Crete, is uncertain. From the time of its ceasing, however, the general government seems to have undergone a radical change; for the island was divided into a number of distinct communities or cities, each of which had its separate government.

It is commonly supposed that it was from the government of Crete, that the Spartan legislation took its rise. The name of Lycurgus is intimately associated with the peculiar system of the Spartans. According to Newton's chronology, this lawgiver

flourished about the year B.C. 708. His system of government has been a fertile theme of discussion from his own day to the present time. It was particularly harsh, unnatural, and repugnant to the finer and loftier feelings of our common nature. The chief object of it was to train up soldiers; and the inflexible steadiness with which this primary object was kept in view, and the means taken to carry it into effect, remain at this moment a monument of surprise and wonder to politicians of all grades of opinion and sentiment.

In order to secure a strong and athletic race of warriors, Lycurgus injoined that young men should only marry when in the full vigour and prime of life. The female was likewise brought under a severe system of domestic discipline, being obliged to engage in masculine sports, and to expose her person, in order to acquire a hardy and muscular body. The constitutional feeling of bashfulness and shame was to be eradicated from her breast; and she was daily accustomed to associate with young men, upon the same terms of equality as with those of her own sex. The matrimonial bond was held in some degree of reverence, but adultery was allowed whenever there was any wants of issue, or a chance of improving the physical constitution by a change of family connexion. Indeed some historians affirm that this lawgiver descended to enact such laws relative to the union and cohabitation of the two sexes, as would be altogether intolerable to mention at the present day. Young men and women were looked upon merely in the same light as the lower animals.

There was a Magistrate appointed, called the Pæd

omomus, who took the boys at an early age under his care, for the purpose of training them to habits of exercise, discipline, and particularly to temperance; not so much, however, with a view of elevating their moral characters, as to secure them those bodily qualifications of patience, resignation, and indurance, so necessary for the soldier and the citizen. Cunning,

adroitness, stratagem, and even thieving, were considered indispensable accomplishments in the system of youthful training. When the youth grew up to man's estate, he was still under the especial care of the authorities; who regulated his movements and fate in war, and fed him at a public board, according to fixed and regular rules. His food was a kind of broth, which has obtained a proverbial notoriety for its unsavoury character, to which was added a limited portion of boiled pork. Both Kings and Magistrates sat down at the same repast with the citizens. respective places at the public table was a matter of legislative rule. They were classed in companies of fifteen; and each company admitted persons to fill up vacancies by ballot, in which a single dissentient voice excluded the candidate. Gymnastic exercises filled up a large portion of the time of the people, when not actually engaged in war or the chase.

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The people were divided into six tribes, and each tribe into five sub-divisions. A regiment of soldiers was furnished by each tribe. Then there were Castes among the people, the same as in India and Egypt; so that families were doomed to the same station and occupation, from one generation to another. To be entitled to the full rights of citizenship, both the father and mother of a man must have been free Spartans

for three generations. There were citizens of a Patrician order, who had exclusive privileges.

The two Kings were selected one from each of the royal families. It is supposed they were elective by the mass of the people. There was a Senate, composed of twenty-eight persons, who held their offices for life. They were required to be sixty years of age, of unblemished reputation, and had to stand as candidates for the situation. The powers of the Senate were extensive. The Kings had the command of the army.

General assemblies of the people might be called either by the authority of the Kings or the Senate, or both. These assemblies were attended by all the free or free-born citizens of thirty years old, and were held monthly, or whenever any extraordinary occasion required their presence. The members of the assembly had no right to originate any public measure, nor debate it; for the magistrates alone, or those whom they or the Senate permitted, had the privilege of discussion; the assembly only having the right of acceptance or rejection.

The whole of the land of Sparta was divided into small allotments; 9000 for the Spartans themselves; and 30,000 for the Country people; each allotment being calculated to support a family; and no one was allowed either to sell, exchange, or devise his lot so as to deprive his heir of the succession. The use of gold and silver, as money, was forbidden; only pennies of iron a pound in weight, were allowed as a medium of exchange. No ornaments or luxuries of any kind were permitted. Neighbours could interfere with and correct each other's children; and even use each other's cattle, dogs, arms, and furniture. The most revolting