feature in the Spartan legislation, was the immense number of slaves kept in the country, and the coldblooded and systematic cruelty exercised towards them. These slaves consisted of three distinct classes; the common household Slaves, the Helots, and the Messenians, a conquered people.

This constitution of Lycurgus, though one of the most strange and grotesque follies of legislation in the annals of the human family, lasted for the space of one hundred and twenty-five years. It then underwent a somewhat radical change, chiefly by the introduction of a body of magistrates called Ephori, the origin and nature of whose public functions have given rise to much controversy. It appears, however, unquestionable, that these Ephori engrossed great political influence in the state. They had the same right as the Kings and the Senate to convoke the public assemblies of the people; and they had likewise the important duty intrusted to them of removing and punishing magistrates for malversation in office, or for oppressing or illtreating the people. They even assumed the power of putting the Kings themselves upon their trial. Each King took an oath monthly that he would rule according to the laws, and the Ephori, and on the part of the people likewise swore that his authority should be only supported, so long as he kept his oath. Here was a formal compact entered into between the sovereign power and the mass of the community.

There are more authentic documents for the history of the government of Athens, than for Sparta. What were the precise form and spirit of the Grecian legislation, in its early manifestations, is only a matter of

conjecture. The general opinion seems to be that it was of a decidedly popular or democratic character, encumbered, however, with many checks of an arbitrary and stringent cast. One Cecrops is represented to have been the first lawgiver who collected the people into twelve tribes or towns, of which Athens was the most considerable. Then we have after Cecrops, Theseus, who flourished, about the year one thousand before the christian era. The other chiefs or kings who succeeded Theseus, are represented in the very questionable accounts we have of them, as having curtailed the liberties of the people to a great extent, and moulded the general government more into the monarchial fashion. About one hundred and fifty years afterwards, Cadrus governed the country, who, it is said, weakened the monarchial, and increased the democratic principle. About the year B.C. 600, the office of ARCHON, which occupies a conspicuous place in the history of the Grecian governments, was instituted. It was an office which represented a king or chief magistrate. It was originally held for life, but it was changed for ten years, and ultimately it became annual. When the Archon was chosen for life, the senate and the people seldom interfered with his decisions; but when the office became decennial, and then annual, the popular voice was more frequently brought to bear upon and control it. When the Archon was chosen yearly, there were nine persons appointed to the office, but one was held to be the chief. These enjoyed collectively the real power and influence of the government. But there appears to have been great confusion introduced into public affairs by this mode of government; and the community called upon Draco, a man of ability,

but of a harsh and sanguinary disposition, to frame a system of laws for the people, which he did; but they proved of such a bloodthirsty kind, that his code has even descended down to our own day, as an object of reproachful and bitter accusation.

To remove this new grievance, Solon, a wise and temperate lawgiver, was called upon to give his aid and support. He introduced many beneficial reforms into the management of public affairs. He flourished about B.C., 550. The ancient magisterial system was maintained, but it gradually became, in all its essential features, more popular and democratic. Offices of all kinds became under the direct authority and cognizance of the people. An assembly called the Areopagus, which had been established before this time, was greatly improved by the wise regulations of Solon. The members of this court were chosen for life. Its powers were censorial; punishing by censure and exposure, and likewise by penalties, all violations of the rules of morality, and all infractions of the laws and customs of the country. This institution underwent, however, many constitutional changes from the period of its establishment, to its final dissolution.

The election for Archons was vested in the people; and by a law of Aristides, every citizen was capable of being chosen. But every person appointed was obliged to undergo two scrutinies; one before the Senate, and the other before the tribunal of the heliasts. Candidates must show that they were descended of Athenian parents for three generations, that they had borne arms in the service of the State, and that their domestic character was free from reproach. At the end of the year, the Archons were eligible to the

Areopagus upon passing their accounts, and submitting to a new scrutiny as to their official conduct.

There were three divisions of the people;-natives, foreigners, and slaves. It is said, that the slaves far outnumbered the other two classes. The entire body of the nation was divided into ten tribes; and there was another division of them into three parts. Each division and sub-division had a public officer at its head. In Solon's time, he made a division of the people according to their incomes; those that had five hundred, three hundred, and two hundred bushels of grain. No citizen below these respective standards of wealth could fill any political office. Aristides, abolished this law, and made every person eligible to public trust and confidence.

The assembly, called Ecclesia, exercised all legislative and administrative power. Peace and war, alliances, expenditure, taxes, legislation, and the appointment of superior magistrates, were all intrusted to the same body. This assembly met every nine days, and oftener if any national emergency required their services. The President was always a member of the Senate, and the person who took the initiative in all public business. No resolution of the assembly could be taken on any measure, unless the Senate had previously sanctioned it by a vote. From time to time, however, great alterations were made in the relative position of the two bodies towards each other.

The Senate, in Solon's time, was composed of four hundred members; it was afterwards raised to five hundred, and they were chosen by lot from all the tribes. Each tribe returned fifty, and likewise another fifty more as substitutes, in case of death, illness,

or disqualification. A member when returned had to undergo a scrutiny as to his life and character, and he was liable to be impeached for anything tending to disqualify him for the office. When chosen, the entire five hundred were divided into sections of fifty each; and some authors maintain that each section again underwent another subdivision into tens. The pay of a Senator was about eightpence per day of our money. Originally the votes of the Assembly were taken by the holding up of hands; but afterwards by the bean or ballot.

To keep popular influence within some rational bounds, there were several political checks or counterpoises invented at various periods of the Grecian legislation. One of these checks was the appointment of public orators. There were ten chosen in latter times by lot, who had to debate the cause of the people, both in the Senate and the Assembly, and were paid for their services each time they spoke; for the Assembly fourpence a day, for the Senate eightpence, and the same for the Areopagus. Before

a man was appointed to be an orator, he was subjected to a rigid examination as to his character. Any act of immorality, any political offence, or misbehaviour in time of war, excluded a person from the office. He was likewise required to be a native, born of Athenian parents, to have one or more legitimate children, and to have some landed property in Attica. The same character and qualification elicited by the inquiry, were required by all other persons who wished to address the Assembly, as well as the public orators; and if a man attempted to conceal any part of his former life from the court of scrutiny, he was liable