said Feast, in the said Parliament; to which your Syndics you shall pay or cause to be paid their reasonable expenses out of any monies belonging to your corporate body; and if for want of such monies you provide no expenses, that you intimate the same in your letters to us, sending the Syndics to us as aforesaid, in order that we may provide the same."

It cannot fail to strike the reader, as a curious and interesting feature in the early history of representative governments, that so many nations seem to have simultaneously adopted nearly the same plans for the attainment of an elective check against the influence of absolute oppression, and legislative power. The establishment of these parliaments in different countries, within a couple of centuries of each other, bespeaks the active presence of a general principle of intelligence and independence, pervading the entire mass of European Society :-a principle, too, the growth of which was so apparent and rapid, while the Church was proceeding day by day in successfully maintaining political dogmas, entirely subsersive of national improvement, and progress in knowledge. Truth and error, liberty and dependance, seem to have been pitted in a race against each other; but though the contest was long, and success doubtful, yet the solid civil institutions, which the inhabitants had reared by virtue of their elective privileges, ultimately gained the day over the abstract theories and doctrines of Papal aggrandisement and power.

Independent of the mere external history of the representative principle, a brief outline of which we have given, there are many interesting speculative questions connected with its exercise, which it would

be very advantageous to discuss. The philosophy of the representative plan of government, is a subject on which much might be written, useful to both representatives and people. We shall, however, not enter on the discussion here, as it will come more regularly before us, when we have to advert to those writers. who have in modern times, treated of the subject at considerable length, and with great learning and ability.

There are, however, one or two points, connected with the abstract nature of political representation, which we shall just advert to, before closing this chapter. First, the principle of authority is directly involved in the act of representation. We leave our interests to be disposed of according to the judgment of others; we implicitly confide in their good sense, good faith, and public devotedness. The practice of sending men to act in public assemblies, implies the total inability of the multitude to legislate for themselves, in their aggregate capacity. The representative is the person to do that which the people cannot do for themselves. This dependence on the will, authority, and influence of another, naturally gives rise, among the body of electors, to certain kinds of checks against the irregular exercise of the representative function termed instructions or pledges. The nature and extent of these are, however, matters appertaining to the political discussions of modern times; for in the early periods of European representation, the only pledges required were those of general intellectual capacity, social position, or sound patriotic sentiments and opinions.

Again, the representative principle involves the

idea that a person sent by the people to the councils of the nation, is specially fitted and educated for the fulfilment of his duties. This theoretical notion is quite opposed, however, to what actual practice teaches us. Representatives are not educated to politics as a profession, in the same way or manner in which a lawyer, physician, or clergyman, is schooled into his profession; but are simply men of more or less general knowledge of public affairs and government duties, and possessing a requisite amount of public spirit and independence for the effective discharge of their duty. The vast range of politics as a science, places the grasping of it, as a whole, beyond the intellectual power and ability of any single mind, nor would, indeed, professional politicians be desirable in any state, even could they be reared. The art or theory of civil government is of such a plastic and variable nature, that professional or fixed habits of thought of any kind, are directly opposed to its successful prosecution, and its advancement in the path of enlightened progression.

CHAPTER XV.

ON THE INFLUENCE OF THE CRUSADES ON POLITICAL OPINION AND LITERATURE.

THE influence of the Crusades on the interests of political speculation and inquiry, is but of a subordinate and indirect character. This singular movement among European nations, is comprised within the years 1096, and 1391. A few observations on its general aim and results are required, for the use of the ordinary reader.

The chief causes of the Crusades may be distinctly traced to the ecclesiastical power of Rome, and to the inherent and deep-felt interest which christians, from the most remote periods, took in every thing relating to the land of Judea;-so memorable for the life, sufferings, and death of our Saviour. We find in all the writings from the Apostolic times to the first Crusades, perpetual allusions made to the Holy Land, and to the reverential awe in which its entire history was enveloped. In the writings of the Troubadours we meet with the most enthusiastic and extravagant expressions, as to the necessity and importance of the Crusades; and in the breasts of the Roman Pontiffs, there had long been lurking the most determined

feelings of hatred against the infidel occupiers of this hallowed spot. Witness, for example, the language of the Pope, in the council of Claremont, who says, "you will turn against the enemy of the Christian name, those swords, which you are incessantly sharpening against each other; which that salutary truce, ordained by our predecessors, has not been able to make you lay aside; and which you must now sheath, if you are not willing to be struck with the anathema, which we have just now launched against every one who should dare to infringe it. Since you must have blood, bathe yourselves in the blood of infidels; wash away, in this guilty blood, the blood of Christians, with which you are polluted. Oppressors of the widow and of the orphan, robbers, assassins, famished vultures, who have no pleasure but in fields of carnage, behold the moment, when you may prove whether you are animated by a true courage, whether you are warriors or savage tigers, such as you have hitherto shown yourselves."*

The most active and influential instrument for the organization of the forces of the Crusades, was Peter the Hermit, a man of the most enthusiastical turn of mind, of indominable perseverance, and considerable eloquence. He went into various countries and localities, riding on an ass, and preached the religious obligations which all Christian States lay under, to furnish men and money for the complete extirpation of the usurpers of Judea, and the blasphemers and contemners of the Christian name and creed. He inflamed the minds of every people among whom he sojourned, with the most bitter and furious zeal; and in the course of a very Esprit des Crois, tome 3.