the peace and happiness of mankind. The value of all sound and constitutional governments are estimated by the measure of liberty they confer on the individual members of the state, compatible with the safety and well-being of the whole. These are the leading points of discussion in all literary and scientific treatises on politics as a general system of human knowledge.

From the common point of view in which mankind have contemplated political power in all ages and countries, there has arisen a sort of uniform mode of classifying and speaking of its direct manifestations in society. This classification is recognised in almost all ages, and in almost all books and treatises on the subject. It is of great use, because it enables us to treat of individual principles of vital importance, and to keep steadily before us, the various natural and artificial distributions of political power, and how far, and in what degree, they are fitted to act, directly or indirectly on the welfare of a people. This classification embraces three great branches or divisions of power; the Monarchical, the Aristocratic, and the Democratic. This is not to be considered in the light of a perfect division of power; it is only adopted now, as it is used by most all writers, for the sake of methodically treating of the general elements of political knowledge. These three kinds or species of governmental power run, as it were, into each other in numerous ways and degrees; and this depends upon how far other three kinds of power are engrossed by any one of them singly ;-namely, the legislative, the executive, and the judicial power. On each of these subordinate descriptions of power, we beg to make a

remark or two, with a view of facilitating the comprehension of the entire subject.

A government may be compared to a compound machine. In all mechanical contrivances, it is the power, and the weight;-the power to be applied, and the weight to be raised. So likewise is it in reference to government; it is the power imparted, and the benefit to be realised by its application. A government frame-work consists of three grand divisions; embracing the whole mass of its innate or primary power, and the ends and appliances to which that power is subservient. Those divisions are the legislative power, the executive power, and the judicial power.

The legislative power is to make the laws. This is a comprehensive power; and, in a certain point of view, seems to embody every other kind of authority. "The legislature," says Blackstone, "is the greatest act of superiority that can be exercised by one being over another. In most kinds of which, in common parlance, is termed constitutional government, its boundless and undefined range is more apparent than real; for it is under the control of justice and the national good."

The duties of the executive power is to see the laws enacted by the legislative carried into effect.

The judicial power is of great weight and importance. Every thing valuable and important in a country-the order, security, and civil rights of the people, depend upon the faithful and independent character of its judges. Hence, in almost all ages, and under almost all forms of government, wise and upright men filling the judicial office, have been considered as a great national blessing.

Where the legislative, executive, and judicial powers, are all centred in one person, the government is called an absolute monarchy, or pure despotism. Again, when these powers are exercised by one and the same select body, composed of a certain class of persons, then the government, in point of form, is termed a pure aristocracy. If the several powers be divided and distributed among various functionaries, then the government is termed a mixed government. If the executive, for instance, be delegated to a single person, it is a monarchy; if to a certain class of persons, it is an aristocracy; and if to magistrates elected or chosen by the people, it is termed a republic. And the same thing may be observed relative to the legislative power. It is obvious, therefore, that these forms of general government which are termed, Monarchical, Aristocratical, and Republican, may be variously mixed together by the delegations and limitations of the legislative, executive, and judicial powers, in certain given proportions, so as to create a great number of varieties in each kind, and, in reality, to nullify the correctness of any such political classifications. But one thing may be kept in view, that whatever be the precise form of a government, the aggregate exercise of the legislative, executive, and judicial powers of the people, must constitute that which is truly denominated the internal sovereignty of a nation.

There have been two grand ideas pervading the entire mass of political literature from the earliest times to the present hour, namely, liberty and tyranny. To obtain the first and avoid the last, has been the great and ostensible burden of all the speculations of

politicians, of whatsoever grade, party, or country. In all their discussions, the ideas of what constitutes a state of liberty, and a state of tyranny, are constantly forced upon the attention. All political

dissertations derive their interest and usefulness from their connections with these two antagonistic states of human society; and it can only be from possessing tolerably steady and correct notions of what liberty and tyranny really mean, that any substantial benefit can accrue from the study of politics as a science.

In the present state of public feeling, both in England and in other countries, when the masses of the people are uniting with energy, and generally with concord, to obtain a more extended influence over the making of the laws, this subject becomes one of peculiar interest. A state of liberty is commonly conceived to be that where the laws are, in a considerable degree, under the controul of the mass of the nation. This state is always indicative of prosperity and real power. Men living in a state of freedom, are contented with their social position, are attached to the laws and institutions of their country, and conceive their individual interests to be blended with those of the community. The opinions and sentiments growing out of such a state of society as this, form the great stimulants to national industry, and to that sobriety of conduct so conducive to the general welfare. The members of the community are placed under a healthy discipline, and become quickly sensible of the several advantages of their position; since virtue and happiness are uniformly wont to flourish when men enjoy the full privileges of citizens. History does not fail to establish the truth of this fact. Those free

cities where the suffrages of the people were allowed a proper share of influence in the election of magistrates and public officers, were never wanting in able men, devoted to the advancement and preservation of the public weal. It is the nature and professed object of popular governments to augment the power, riches, intelligence, and humanity of the people; and wherever there is a failure in this respect, it commonly proceeds from some attempt of the few to monopolise an improper and overbearing influence.

The term political liberty is liable to be misunderstood and misapplied. Persons who do not reflect, conceive that it denotes the power to do everything which caprice may dictate; and this belief, from folly and ignorance, is by no means uncommon. Man, in a state of society, may be said to have no absolute liberty or privileges whatever. These are purely conditional; and are regulated and enjoyed in constant reference to the rights of other members of the community. Government is a means to restrain, to counteract, to enforce, to command, and to correct. Rational liberty proclaims an obedience to rational law, and chastises every transgression of it.

Tyranny, in every shape and form, is the monopoly of political power in a few hands. no direct influence in the state.

The people have Hence, the base into activity, and

passions of human nature are called the most unworthy means are employed to perpetuate and strengthen this power. An interest is created and upheld contrary to the public good, and the people are oppressed to support a system fabricated for their enslavement. But the exactions of despotism are paid with loathing, and received with suspicion.