infer that the learned gentleman is not only a studious and respectable man, but also one of business habits, one accustomed to deal with facts and sift evidence. Mr. Walesby's statement is briefly this, that certain inventions applicable to warlike purposes, both offensive and defensive, on sea and land, were communicated by the discoverer, Mr. Warner, to his late Majesty, William IV., were subsequently examined and approved by Admirals Sir Richard Keats and Sir Thomas Hardy, and pronounced by those experienced and distinguished officers, to be of the highest possible public importance. A series of circumstances, very clearly set forth in the pages of the pamphlet before us, delayed the payment of the inventor's promised reward before the death of his patron, William IV., and since that event, Mr. Warner has vainly sought justice from the Government. It is alleged, that the Lords of the Admiralty, though they have declined to examine into the matter, are sufficiently alive to the stupendous powers in question to tremble, least their application to practice, by reducing our naval and military establishments, should destroy places and diminish patronage. If these allegations, based on both naval and military authority, may be accepted even with many grains of allowance, this would undoubtedly be the result; for the defence of England and her dependencies might be most effectually kept up for one million, where now twenty are expended. The question, therefore, submitted by Mr. Walesby to the nation for solution is, should public safety and national economy be considered, or the prejudices, patronage, and profits of sundry officials? This is a bold demand for any individual to make; but we are glad that the author has had the nerve to come forward in the manly manner he has, and if we are correctly informed, that he has been labouring for many months to obtain justice for the inventor, and has actually prevented the loss of his discoveries to this country by his persuasion, and encouragement, and countenance-then we say he is entitled to national gratitude, in place of those sneers which he himself seems to expect. Had any one told Drake or Dampier that a day would arrive when ships, in the face of both tide and tempest, should traverse the Atlantic, impelled by vapour, and accomplish the passage from New York to Liverpool in ten days, what would have been the credit given to the foreboder? And both those admirals were not only as bold, but according to the lights of their generation, as expert navigators as any her Majesty now numbers in the royal navy. The present crisis is, perhaps, an unpropitious one for any publication unconnected with party politics; but, probably the writer had cogent reasons for the step he has taken, at any rate he has already gained the attention of Parliament to the subject; no

VOL. X.-P

easy task when that subject does not relate to votes, divisions, or committees

"The war of party is raging now so fiercely that attention can hardly be gained to any subject not affecting the tenure of office; but it is earnestly hoped that, short as the remainder of the session must under any circumstances be, this pamphlet will appear in sufficient time to induce some members of Parlirment, whose hearts and minds are not wholly absorbed by the politics of the hour, to interrogate the noble lords and gentlemen in either house, whose names appear in the Times above quoted, and who can testify to the truth of much, if not all, that is advanced in these pages. Nothing but the truth has been herein written, though far short of the whole truth. If attention is only properly gained in proper quarters to this subject, its vast public importance must eventually be recognized. If that desirable object is won, and these inventions secured to this country, and England's supremacy of the seas is thereby maintained in its might, a point on which the welfare of universal mankind may be said to repose-for the progress of Christianity and civilization over the whole surface of the globe, humanly speaking, depends on the ocean dominion of Great Britain-then will the writer's consciousness of having humbly laboured to promote this momentous cause amply reward him for the ill-natured gibes and incredulous sncers he is, probably for some time to come, fated to endure."

The hope expressed by the writer in the above passage has been amply realized, for on Wednesday, the 16th of June, Mr. Wakley, in pursuance of notice, rose in the House of Commons to enquire of Lord Ingestre, and other gentlemen, whether the statements made in "a pamphlet recently published by Mr. Walesby, the barrister," whom the mover designated "a gentleman of undoubted veracity," were correct? Lord Ingestre and Sir Francis Burdett more than confirmed the statements put forth in the pamphlet named. Again, on the 21st of June, in a longer debate on the subject, in which Mr. Wakley, Sir George Sinclair, Lord John Russell, Sir Robert Inglis, Lord Ingestre, Mr. Plumtre, and the Honourable William Cowper took part, an additional confirmation was publicly given. Lord Ingestre announced, from his place, his intention, should the Admiralty persist in resisting Mr. Warner's claims, to bring the matter before the new Parliament.

But we are warned that we must conclude. We bid, then, all Christian Conservative electors God speed through the struggle for which they are girding themselves. Let them REMEMBER their fathers and their faith; let them strive to RESEMBLE the patriots and the confessors of old, casting aside and treading in the dust all private, personal, selfish considerations. Fare ye well, noble hearts-PERSEVERE.

211

Ecclesiastical Report.

IN the present state of the country, when the minds of men are naturally directed to the election of representatives to Parliament, we may be excused for directing attention to the question, how far are the clergy to concern themselves in the choice of suitable persons? Let it be remembered, that the clergy once possessed the privileges of taxing themselves; and when such was the case, it was necessary that the Convocation should proceed to business, as well as the Parliament. That privilege, however, was relinquished shortly after the Restoration, and as an equivalent, or at all events a supposed equivalent, the elergy were entitled to vote for members of the House of Commons. This was the only return for the yielding up of the privilege of taxing themselves, which they previously possessed through the Convocation. In the year 1664, a private agreement was entered into between Sheldon, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Lord Clarendon, that the clergy should silently relinquish the privilege of taxing their own body, and that they should be placed on the same footing with the rest of his Majesty's subjects, and be taxed by the House of Commons. No one can deny that they gave up an important privilege; for had they retained it, the Convocation must not only have been annually assembled, but must also have been permitted to act, or no subsidies could have been granted to the Crown. Surely it would have been a privilege to have met in Convocation! How many matters would have been discussed in that body, had they been allowed to act as heretofore? And how many important affairs would now be brought under their notice, were they to assemble for business? In the present day, however, there are not a few persons-and, indeed, all the Radical and Whig portion of the public presswho cry out even against the exercise, on the part of the clergy, of the elective franchise, as if, forsooth! while they contribute towards the public taxes, they of all her Majesty's subjects were to have no voice in the choice of those men by whom their property is to be taxed!

The notion is most absurd. How is a clergyman disqualified from exercising his judgment respecting the qualifications of a member of Parliament? Surely he is better able to judge of what will be to the advantage of his country than the vast majority of those to whom the present Ministerial press address themselves!

We verily believe, that many clergymen are actually deterred

from exercising their privilege by the war-cry of the Whigs and Radicals. We would not have them take a part in all political discussions, but there are many questions which are so intimately connected with the spiritual welfare of the nation, that they will not be justified in abstaining from taking their part in them, from the fear that they may be stepping out of their path as clergymen. These are days of no ordinary character; and it is the duty of every man, who values our national privileges, and especially, therefore, of the clergy, to stand forward in defence of those principles for which our forefathers hesitated not to yield up their bodies to the stake.

It is easy to account for the rabid hostility of the Liberal press towards the clergy of the Anglican Church. The Whigs and Radicals are wise in their generation-they are fully aware of the influence of the clergy-they know that in the country village the faithful clergyman is the friend of the poor, his counsellor in difficulties, his helper and benefactor when poverty enters his dwelling-they know, too, that the example of the clergyman will have unusual weight with his parishioners; that they will be anxious to follow his example; and that consequently his vote is a matter of the utmost importance, inasmuch as the majority of the well-disposed inhabitants of the parish will walk in the steps of their pastor. It is on this account that the cry is raised against what is termed "clerical interference' at elections. But shall this cry deter the clergy from doing their duty? Shall they be induced to sit still when their country is menaced with danger? To act as mere politicans would be unbecoming; but to vote for members of Parliament themselves, and to advise their people when their advice is asked, are duties from which they must not shrink.

The Church of England is still rooted in the affections of the multitude; and the clergy will not be disregarded by the people: on the contrary, their influence, arising from the faithful discharge of their various duties, is not decreasing, but increasing, and was never greater, perhaps, than at the present moment. There is a feeling in favour of the Church which it is the duty of the clergy to foster and preserve; and whatever obloquy may be cast upon them for interfering at elections, they will have the satisfaction of knowing that their conduct is approved by the wise and good-by all who love our Protestant constitution as it was secured to us in the year one thousand six hundred and eighty-eight.

Before we quit the subject, a remark will not be misplaced respecting the inconsistency of Dissenters, who, while they declaim against what they designate clerical interference with

politics, take special care to use means, both fair and unfair, to influence the minds of all classes of her Majesty's subjects, whenever they are called upon to exercise the elective franchise. Now what is right in Dissenters and in Dissenting ministers, cannot be wrong in clergymen, who, however, never pursue the course usually adopted by the former. It is not often that a clergyman ever introduces political subjects into the pulpit. Can the same be said of Dissenting ministers generally? Do they not, in their pulpits, attack the Church, Church-rates, Church-establishments, and even the clergy? They, therefore, are the last men in the world to complain of the conduct of the Clergy and before they proceed to pull out the mote out of their brother's eye, they will do well to cast out the BEAM that is in their own eye.

COLONIAL BISHOPRICS.

This is a subject of vast importance-one, too, which has attracted so much attention, that some measures must necessarily be adopted to extend the Church in the various dependencies of the British empire. The question of Church Extension must not, it is now felt, be confined to England and Wales: a provision must be made for the souls of all the subjects of the British empire. Many advantages are derived from the colonies, and it is our duty to make due

That Dissenting ministers constantly interfere in elections, is notorious. Their names are found as requisitionists, and sometimes on committees also. A curious circumstance was related to us in reference to the recent proceedings of the Whig-Radical party in a certain borough. A candidate was found, who called himself a Whig; a committee was formed, and a negociation was opened with the committee of another candidate, a Radical, who had the support of the Chartists and Socialists. It is rumoured that the committee of the Whig and Dissenting candidate could not agree respecting a direct coalition with the favourite of the Chartists; yet both parties deemed it necessary to unite in some way, or to have some understanding among themselves, or the Conservative forces would be too strong, and neither Whig nor Radical would have the slightest chance of success. The matter was keenly discussed in the committee of the Dissenting candidate. By one party it was argued that a coalition with the Chartist and Socialist leader would forfeit his religious character; by the other it was asserted, that by not uniting with him, he would lose his political reputation, inasmuch as the Conservatives would be sure to succeed unless their forces were united. The result was a division, which led to the breaking up of the committee; and we believe that the aspirant for legislative fame positively quitted the field. The most singular part of the affair is this, that a man who had the support of Dissenters of all grades, including Socinians and Quakers, together with that of Papists and Infidels, should have been apprehensive of a loss of religious character, by coalescing with an individual who was supported by the Socialists, and Chartists, and others of a similar description. The above story was related to us as having actually occurred since the commencement of the movements consequent upon the recent ministerial defeat in the House of Commons,