liberal cant of the day in their words, are tyrants to those within their power. He goes on to prove that whilst the wealth of the aristocracy is employed in a manner most useful and beneficial to their countrymen, that of the class to whom he addresses himself is too frequently employed only in the most selfish purposes:

"Is it you, or the aristocracy (says the author), that have employed the poor in the creation of wealth? Have they not been your steppingstones and how have you used them? You have disregarded their physical condition-have paid no attention to their morals-never dreamed of religious instruction-and now you hypocritically talk of their immortal souls! Their immortality never flashed across your minds until they ceased to be profitable machines. Strange source of suggestion! The diminution of your incomes teaches the immortality of the soul! Is there no duty inherent in wealth but its further creation? Is the human breast sensible of no emotion, except what arises from the contemplation of your riches? Go and gather wisdom from reflection. The good of the bygone ages, with not a tithe of your wealth, raised proud memorials of their charity. They endowed schools for the education of the masses; they furnished asylums for the fatherless, the destitute, and unfortunate; and, even now, these memorials stand out in bold relief, as if in mockery of your pride and selfishness. These good spirits, without dreaming of the extension of the franchise-of a national system of education-of the undue influence of the aristocracy, felt the duty which wealth imposes, and nobly performed it. But is this your case? Let the masses see the evidence of your previous exertions on their behalf. Where are the numerous schools for their education-the houses for religious instruction-the asylums for their infirmities and age? The only memorials of your active minds, in relation to the poor, are the large, well-lighted, and ceaseless working factories. You argue the necessity of a national system of education. Does it seem just that the nation at large should be taxed to educate those whom you impoverish and keep in ignorance? Where is such a system wanted? Only where your influence prevails-only where your inordinate thirst for gold stimulates to exertion. It is here that darkness, crime, and immorality are appalling in their huge and threatening forms."

This is strong and forcible language; but we fear there is too much truth in it. At any rate, those to whom it is addressed have no right to complain of being repaid in their own coin. They will recollect in future that persons who live in glass houses should not throw stones. We wish we could follow the author through the course of his arguments, but we fear our limits will not permit us to do so. Among other things, he shows the extraordinary excess of crime in the manufacturing districts, as compared with the agricultural districts; and that the increase of factories in any particular district has always been

accompanied by a proportionate increase of vice and sin. All these, and, indeed, most of his statements, are proved by curious statistical facts, which add considerably to the value of the work.

On the important subject of the corn laws the author speaks at considerable length, and overthrows, in the most triumphant manner, the positions set up by the manufacturers against them. He shows that, so far from any distress having been caused in the country by the operation of these laws, the reverse is the fact; since, from the time when these laws were first brought into operation, every department of manufactures has been generally extended, and their progress has far exceeded that of any previous period. So far also from there being any truth in the allegation which has been sometimes made by the same parties, that these laws, namely, have acted as a check to production, Dr. Holland demonstrates, in the most convincing manner, that in those years when the exports and imports were the greatest, and the manufactories employed the greatest number of hands, and produced the largest quantity of goods, we were noi fed on foreign grain, but on our own abundant growth.

Again

"The increase in the population of this kingdom (says Dr. Holland) is frequently urged as a powerful argument in favour of repeal, the surface of the soil not augmenting with those who depend upon it. If the surface is incapable of enlargement, the resources beneath it are not, and have been multiplied in a greater ratio than population. One simple fact is alone sufficient to establish this. If the past forty years be divided into four equal periods, the price of grain will be found to have gradually diminished, and will be found to be the cheapest in the last ten years. If the demand had increased in a greater proportion than the production, the converse of this would have been observed. And we hesitate not to assert, that the agricultural resources of this nation will more than keep pace with the progress of population. But if the productive power were five times greater, we should still be liable to fluctuations, both in the supply and in the price of grain. The fluctuations are no evidence of our inability to meet the demand. They occur in all states, and the following table shows that they have been less in this country, with one exception, than in seventeen places on the continent, from 1815 to 1838:

"A statement of the differences per cent. between the highest and lowest annual average prices of wheat, between 1815 and 1838, in the following places:

"Such a statement as this, it will at once be seen, puts an extinguisher upon all those arguments brought forward in favour of the repeal of the corn laws, on the score of the fluctuation of price alleged to take place under their operation."

According to Dr. Holland, the distress stated to exist has originated with the manufacturers themselves, and has been caused by their greedy and covetous conduct, manifesting itself in an extraordinary over-production of goods, and in the most dangerous and hazardous speculations:

"When a market is glutted (says the author), the policy which alone would relieve it-cessation from further supply-is never adopted. The manufacturers cannot afford, with large establishments on their hands, to remain inactive. They continue to produce, though at a diminished rate; and they force sales at greatly reduced profits. Thus the evils, produced by over-production and speculation, are aggravated and prolonged by the urgent necessities of the manufacturer; nor is there any relief except what time, struggling, and economy afford, which are slow and tedious remedies."

In short, the whole present question of the corn laws is reducible into a very small compass. The arguments advanced against these laws are, in fact, absurd, and totally without foundation; and of this the greater number of those who make use of them are well aware. Not contented with their overgrown wealth, the manufacturers and mill-owners, in order to gratify their insatiate appetite for gain, are desirous to get rid of the corn laws, that they may be able to import corn without restriction into this country, and that then, the price of bread being lowered, they may instantly reduce the rate of wages to their workmen to a still lower scale. This, and this alone-not any benevolent desire to alleviate the distresses of their countrymen, as they falsely and hypocritically pretend-is the motive for their attacks upon the corn laws, their anti-corn-law leagues, and all the other wicked and incendiary modes of agitation which they employ.

We believe that all classes are beginning to see through their shallow devices-even the lower orders, whom they have been endeavouring to stir up into disorder and violence. The most extraordinary thing is, how they ever could have imposed on any

individual by such paltry pretences. We cannot conclude without recommending our readers to make themselves acquainted with its contents. Every page almost is full of important and interesting matter. All friends of humanity owe a deep debt of gratitude to Dr. Holland, for his exposition of the cruelties exercised upon the unfortunate children employed in factories, and for his earnest defence of the interests of these helpless beings. He will prove an able ally to that enlightened and amiable nobleman, Lord Ashley, in the truly Christian cause in which he has so zealously engaged.

The Spas of England, and Principal Sea-bathing Places. By A. B. Granville, M.D., F.R.S., Author of "The Spas of Germany," "St. Petersburgh," and "Southern Spas." 2 vols., 8vo. London: H. Colburn. 1841.

IN publishing these volumes, together with the former one treating of the Northern Spas, which appeared at the beginning of the year, Dr. Granville has conferred a very acceptable present on the reading public at large, more especially on two extensive divisions of it-the numerous class, namely, of real or fancied invalids who are in the habit of frequenting these places, and the still larger class of persons who are fond of light and amusing literature. To all of these, Dr. Granville's work will be very welcome. The first of them will find in it an useful guide in the choice of a spa or bathing place to which they may resort: for the author gives a fair and, we think, an impartial account of the various places which he mentions-describes their different characteristics, both in a medical and salubrious point of view -points out their peculiar advantages and disadvantages — and, what will render the work interesting to the miscellaneous reader, gives an account of everything worth notice, not only in the places themselves, but in their respective neighbourhoods as well. There is one service which the Doctor's work is very capable of rendering, and which, if carried into effect, will stamp a high value on these volumes; we allude to the possibility of a stop being put by them to the practice, too frequently indulged in by our countrymen, of resorting to the continental spas, to the prejudice of their native land, and, what is infinitely worse, of their national customs and moral and religious habits. Persons who betake themselves to foreign watering-places for the sake of their health can no longer have any excuse for so doing; Dr. Granville has furnished them with a very complete account of numerous places equally beneficial, in every point of view, to be found in their own country, and very often almost at their own doors.

Gilbertize the New Poor Law: a Fresh Plan, in a Letter to Sir Robert Peel. By the Rev. Edward Duncombe, Rector of Newton Kyme, Yorkshire. London: Whittaker; Oxford: Vincent; York: Souter.

1841. 8vo. pp. 258. THIS letter to Sir R. Peel is written by a practical man. He is the guardian of a "Gilbert Union," in an agricultural district: he has had much experience in the management of his union, and advocates its efficiency and economy in opposition to the New Poor Law Bill. The pamphlet is full of information, and is especially suited to the needs of those M.P.'s who feel "fresh" within the walls of St. Stephen's. The clergy also should study its contents: they will see what the perseverance of one incumbent of a very small village can do, and should assist in his attempt to "popularize, parochialize, and christianize the New Poor Law."

We do not pledge ourselves to all the schemes proposed: we do not always approve of the style of address to the cautious Premier. The matter may be much condensed, repetitions avoided, and the arrangements greatly improved; but these are minor matters compared with the agitation of great improvement in the laws, and greater efficiency in the executive. We highly approve of the scriptural principles by which every proposal is tested, and of the attempt to restore the clergy and the Church to their due position in the management of the destitute. We recommend the work, which displays much original thinking, with great eccentricity of style.

Luther on Rome and the Reformation. A Poem. By Alfred Lord. London: Seeley and Burnside. 1841. WERE we inclined to be severe, we should take some specimens from this thing, which Mr. Alfred Lord is pleased to call a poem, and expose him; as it is, we shall spare him such a pillory. The subject shows the direction of the public mind. We verily believe that anybody-no matter who-who should get up and declare publicly that the Pope is antichrist and the beast, and Dr. Pusey the false prophet, would forthwith find not a few to consider him something little less than an angel.

A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. Parts 17, 18, 19, 20, and 21. London: Taylor and Walton. 1841. THIS excellent work is going on well; it will, when finished, be both beautiful and highly valuable. The proprietors have, we know, spared no expense to obtain and properly to remunerate the highest talent. The wood-cuts, too, are of the most exquisite description, and many of the articles are essays evidencing the most profound learning.